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发表于 2009-3-30 21:59:05 |显示全部楼层
本帖最后由 archaeology 于 2009-3-31 07:32 编辑

力争每天一篇,欢迎各位G友监督,指正和解惑。
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grekokomo + 5 谢谢分享

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发表于 2009-3-30 21:59:33 |显示全部楼层
本帖最后由 archaeology 于 2009-3-31 07:33 编辑

America's new hope

But in 2009 Barack Obama will have to learn
how to say no both at home and abroad, argues John Micklethwait

So, Mr President, what exactly are you going to do? As Barack Obama

Stares down at the cheering crowds at his inauguration on January 20th

2009, America’s first black president may well remember the great

Buzzword of his campaign—and smile ruefully. His mantra of “Change”

propelled him all the way to the White House in some style. Mr Obama

did not just win the electoral college handsomely; he has the full

backing of a Democratic Congress and the overwhelming support, if

national polls are to be believed, of most of the rest of the world.

George Bush never had such a broad political mandate.

Yet change will constrain what President Obama can actually do in 2009.

Most obviously there is the cathartic change over the past year in the

economy: whereas Mr Bush inherited a healthy budget surplus in 2001,

in 2009 America’s budget deficit is projected to be as high as $1 trillion.

But there is also foreign affairs. Back in 2000 the United States, the

undisputed hegemon, was mainly at peace with the world. In 2009 Mr

Obama will have troops under fire in Iraq and Afghanistan, and power is

shifting away from America towards the faster-growing economies of

the emerging world.

How Mr Obama deals with these very different changes will determine

the success of his presidency. A man who has often been accused of

being all things to all people /will have to start making choices. Many of these choices may disappoint his own party as well as some of his most fervent supporters around the globe.

The immediate focus in 2009 will understandably be on the economy. Mr Obama promised a lot of things to a lot of people. Even if there were more money available, he would have had to concentrate on just a few core things, such as his middle-class tax cut and his health-care plan; with fewer funds, that will be essential. He may even be able to turn the need to economize to his advantage. On health care, some of the mooted reforms in Congress look more efficient than his own one (and still deliver the universal coverage America ought to have). Meanwhile, the empty government coffers provide a perfect excuse to escape from his more pork-laden commitments.

Nevertheless, frustrations will mount, especially in his own party. With an economy in recession there will be protectionist growling from Congress which needs to be firmly resisted. There will also be reams of regulation.

Many of the main Democratic constituencies have waited a long time to get their man in the White House: the unions will demand new labour rules; lawyers will want liability laws; greens will wage new environmental campaigns. All of these could slow down any economic recovery.

Young ambitious presidencies can get derailed by small causes early on: think of

what the “gays in the military” fuss did to Bill Clinton in 1993. A particular worry

about Mr Obama is that in his brief political career he has never obviously crossed his party on any significant issue. He will need to start saying no to Democrats soon in 2009/ if he is not to betray the many independent voters /who believed his campaign talk about representing the whole country.

If expectations are too high for Mr Obama in domestic policy, they are off the scale when it comes to the world abroad. Once again, the Democratic base will be a problem: it expects him to extract America from Iraq rapidly and smoothly. That was what Mr Obama once promised; but he now seems to realize that a rapid retreat from Iraq would be disastrous both for that country and for America’s reputation in the region. Meanwhile, he will also need to resell

the Afghanistan campaign to a weary electorate: the West’s chances of prevailing depend on having more troops there, not fewer.

That brings in the issue of America’s allies. Around the world the young new president has become a symbol /of what people think America should be. Merely because he is not the loathed Mr Bush, he may be able to deliver some things. The rapid closure of Guantánamo Bay would be a good start. But other things the world hopes for, such as a global-warming pact, will take a long time. Peace in the Middle East will not break out just because the new president’s middle name is Hussein: hard compromises need to be made. Mr Obama needs to spell out what he will do; and he also needs to demand more from America’s allies. That so few of them help in Afghanistan, for instance, is a disgrace, and he should say it loudly.

Just as much as at home, the new president will be tested by events abroad. There are plenty of troublemakers like Iran who will want to test the new president’s mettle. Yet, as he scrambles to deal with these immediate challenges, Mr Obama should also look to the long term—and to one thing in particular.

Salesman to the world

When historians look back on his presidency, they may well judge him /most
on whether he managed to bring the emerging powers into the world order and unite them behind Western values. By the time Mr Obama leaves office, which, assuming he serves two terms, will be 2017, powers like China, India and Brazil will surely have taken larger roles in the world economy. At the moment, none of them is in the G8 club, and only China has a spot on the UN Security Council. If America cannot find a way to bring China and India into the existing global power structure, they will start drifting away
to form their own clubs.

It is not just institutional. China especially is nervous about Western values. The financial crisis coupled with the shredding of America’s reputation over the past eight years/ has given weight to those people in the regime/ who argue that Western capitalism and democracy are flawed, old models. The new president will have to re-sell what America stands for. That will be a long process; but, even allowing for all his other priorities, President Obama needs to start work on it in 2009.


单词:
buzzword漂亮口号,时髦词语,术语
ruefully 悲伤地,可怜地
mantra 颂歌,真言,祷文
cathartic 泻药;导泻的,净化的
undisputed 毫无争议的
hegemon 霸主,霸权
emerging 新兴的
coffers 金库,财库
mooted 建议
growl 咆哮
derailed 出轨的
electorate 选民,选区
disgrace 丢脸;丢脸的人或事
spot 职位,污点
scramble 仓促,攀爬
regime 政体,政权
词组:
in some style 时髦地
electoral college 选举团(各州代表组成,选举总统和副总统)
shift away 搬走

accused of 控告,指责

reams of 大量

off the scale 过分

drift away 漂流,慢慢散去

allow for 考虑到

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发表于 2009-3-30 22:02:30 |显示全部楼层
本帖最后由 archaeology 于 2009-3-31 07:34 编辑

作了标记的句子不理解

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发表于 2009-3-31 21:01:23 |显示全部楼层
本帖最后由 archaeology 于 2009-4-1 07:15 编辑

Will he, won't he?


An all-too-familiar dilemma for Gordon Brown


FOR a man scarred by his calamitous flirtation with a snap election in 2007—souring opinion polls forced a humiliating retreat—Gordon Brown


his fingers back into the fire. Rumours  abound that the prime minister, whose well-received handling of the


economic crisis has put Labour within touching distance of the Conservatives in the polls (see chart below), will cash in on his comeback by calling an election in 2009. He was previously expected to cling on until the last possible date the following summer. True, Mr Brown is not stoking the speculation as coquettishly as he did last time. But neither is he squashing it—going only as far as to rule out a ballot in February or March.The temptations for Mr Brown are obvious. His trustworthiness on economic matters may not survive the job losses and repossessions that seem certain to mount as time passes. Delay also allows the Conservatives to hone their own ideas for dealing with the recession, which have fallen flat so far. On December 28th George Osborne, the shadow chancellor,promised that he would seek to reverse Labour’s planned increase in national-insurance contributions, due in 2011. Moreover, a vote in 2009 would be hard to portray as a self-interested gambit on Mr Brown’s part:the last general election was in 2005, and four years has been the standard interval under Labour.


One sign that an early election is more than overheated Westminster gossip is the seniority of those advocating it. In 2007


Mr Brown was goaded on by excitable young advisers. Now the argument is reputedly being advanced by the likes of Lord Mandelson, the business secretary who has the ear of the prime minister. Charlie Whelan, Mr Brown’s seasoned former press secretary and now a senior trade-union official, has publicly talked up a snap election. If Mr Brown heeds such advice, June 4th looks the most propitious date for a poll. Local and European elections are already scheduled for that “Super Thursday”. The spring budget may give Mr Brown a chance to seduce voters further, though there is precious little fiscal scope left for giveaways. And the G20 summit, which will be hosted by Britain in May, is the kind of platform on which the prime minister thrives. Kick-starting a campaign with a photo opportunity beside Barack Obama may prove a beguiling scenario.


If, on the other hand, the prime minister eventually demurs, it may be because of misplaced confidence as much as his notorious caution. Mr Brown is understood not to regard the political bail-out he has enjoyed as a transient blip that owes everything to the deus ex machinaof the banking crisis. Instead, he believes the real aberration was the wretched 12 months he endured between the snap-election fiasco and his recent comeback.


There are other reasons to think that Mr Brown may hold his fire. Labour still lag behind the Conservatives in the polls; it would be unusually risky of him to assume he could reverse that deficit during a brief campaign. He may also have learned from the Tories’ unexpected triumph in 1992, an election held after the worst of a recession was over. If a recovery has started by the middle of 2010, Mr Brown may be able to pose—as he did in his new year’s message this week—as something approaching a victorious wartime leader.



单词:
Scar 伤害心灵,留下疤痕
Calamitous 灾难的,悲惨的
Flirtation 挑逗,不认真的考虑
Humiliating 羞辱性的,丢脸的
well-received 深受欢迎的
Labour 英国工党
Conservatives 英国保守党
Chart 曲线图
Hone 磨刀,磨炼
Reputedly 据说
Propitious 吉利的,有利的
Seduce 引诱,勾引
Giveaways 赠品
Kick-starting 启动
Transient 短暂的,瞬时的
词组:
snap election 提前选举
cash in on 利用,靠……赚钱
talk up 大声地说,大胆地讲

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发表于 2009-3-31 21:02:47 |显示全部楼层
看了两篇Eco,有好些地方不知道自己理解的对不对,结果在网上还没有找到这两篇的译文,下次一定要看有译文的!

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发表于 2009-3-31 21:27:32 |显示全部楼层
你的文章排版得不好,看着都不舒服哈

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发表于 2009-3-31 21:33:21 |显示全部楼层
呵呵,直接从word里粘过来的,不知道怎么成这样了,一行一行改挺费力的,谢谢指正,你凑或着看吧,呵呵

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发表于 2009-3-31 21:44:45 |显示全部楼层
你的文章好像挑得不太典型嘛

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发表于 2009-3-31 21:57:04 |显示全部楼层
恩,这个我是随便挑的,前辈有什么建议?

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发表于 2009-4-2 16:02:25 |显示全部楼层
响应草木老大的号召,转移阵地,以后会把分析过的ECO文章按类别贴在作文版。大家可以去作文版看,每类文章十分丰富(现在刚起步),他们将会成为我们dies in flames所有组员努力付出的见证!

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