[同主题写作] 【ISSUE--introspect into our own minds】 about examples [复制链接]

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电梯直达

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发表于 2009-6-1 13:32:26 |只看该作者 |倒序浏览

example——例子、榜样、实例、范例

其作用是什么？

首先说最主要的一点：阐述清楚所在段落甚至文章全篇的point，帮助rater去理解，并且深化

在下面的分析中，我将给大家展示例子的深层次作用

同时请注意，这三篇都是我曾经在0810G用过的例子，已经废弃，特地贴给大家分享

对于素材的来源地，我会在全文最后介绍并说明。

严重提示：不要用这三个，因为肯定无数懒虫会搬去直接用。也肯定会有无数自以为聪明的人会用所谓的"已经被警告过，所以没有人用"的例子。关于这个问题，我想推荐大家看一个小故事。这个我在另外一个贴子里发过，这里再发一遍(以前从《格言》上看来的)：

【第一年】

   有一群小朋友正在郊外玩耍，忽然看见路边有棵李树，树上结满了李子，上面的李子个大皮红。小朋友都争先恐后地跑去摘李子，只有其中一个叫王戎的小朋友站着不动。有人奇怪地问他：“为什么不去摘李子？”王戎回答说：“路边的李树，结满了果实而没有人摘，说明这李子一定是苦的。”同伴们听了，拿到嘴里一尝，果然是苦的。

   故事很快传开。甚至，当地的教育部门都把这个故事写进了学校的教科书，叫做《路边苦李》，以此来教育大家这个常识性道理：李生大路而无人摘，必苦也。

【第二年】

   王戎和一群小朋友去郊外玩耍。忽然看见路边又有一棵李树，树上结满了李子，上面的李子个大皮红。这一次小朋友们都对孛树视而不见，没有人跑过去摘李子。只有王戎走过去摘下一个尝了尝，然后坐下美美地吃了一顿。同伴们问他：“路边的李树，结满了果实而没有人摘，难道不苦吗?”王戎回答说：“现在大家都知道了‘李生大路而无人摘，必苦也’的道理。那么人们肯定以为路边的李子都是苦的而不吃，所以我要尝一尝才知道到底是不是苦的，能不能吃啊!” 大家觉得王戎真是有智慧。

   这个故事更是传开了。教育部门把教科书上的文章改为：《李子的味道，尝后才知道》。

【第三年】

   王戎和一群小朋友去郊外玩耍，又看见路边有一棵李树，树上结满了李子，上面的李子个大皮红。有了去年的经验，小朋友们都跑过去尝李子到底是不是苦的，只有王戒站在那里不动。有人问他：“这次你怎么不去尝了?”王戎说：“大家都明白看见李树要先尝一尝的道理，既然我们不是第一个看见这棵李树的，肯定已经有人先尝过了，如果是甜的肯定早就被吃掉了，剩下的一定是苦的。”同伴们一尝，果然。王戎这一次的名气更大了。

   教科书里的文章悄悄换成了这个题目：《要用脑袋思考，不要盲目行动》。

【第四年】

   王戎和一群小朋友去郊外玩耍，又看见路边有一棵李树。树上结满了李子，上面的李子个大皮红。小朋友们都不去吃上面的李子，只有王戎走过去大吃了起来。同伴奇怪地问：“这李子不是苦的吗?”王戎说：“根据去年的经验，大家都以为自己不是第一个看见李树的，认为肯定已经有人尝过了，所以甜的肯定还在，所以还有甜李子吃啊。” 众人皆服。

   这一年，教科书上的文章改为：《成功永远属于那些打破习惯思维的人》。

W. EUGENE SMITH/TIME LIFE PICTURES/GETTY

A Marine on Saipan during the fight to wrest the island from Japanese troops

http://www.time.com/time/time100/heroes/profile/gi01.html

此篇适合：政治类（同WW II三巨头联系）、历史类（同WW II联系）、国际类、社会类、行为类、抽象类题目

相距比较远，需要引申的范围：教育（关于GI教育立法引申）、科技

这里插播一段：

例子要找精良的，一个例子就可以cover掉近六成题目才叫爽快，而且例子要深挖，永远注意一点——深度>广度>>泛度。

文章逻辑的贯穿，不仅仅要通过ideas，如果做得好，一个素材的不同角度不同层面也可以完成烘托一个topic。如果怕这样会被认为知识面单一，就太吹毛求疵了，总共六百余字，你写的再多也不过四五个浅浅的例子。AW看的是analytical，logical。rater想要的是一个acceptable insight。

0810G备考之初我就做过18个黄金素材，每个都可以适用于六成以上的题目，每个素材都可以独立支撑起一篇文章，同时还可以18个之间环环相扣。

在这里分享给大家几个淘汰下来的（0910G我也要考，需要自我保护一下啦~不过考完之后会悉数奉送）

The American G.I.
From disparate roots but united by patriotic courage, U.S. soldiers preserved freedom around the world
By COLIN POWELL

Dubious Influences: Century's Villains and Antiheroes
Five Captivating Romances: When Love Was the Adventure

Monday, June 14, 1999

As Chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff, I referred to the men and women of the armed forces as "G.I.s." It got me in trouble with some of my colleagues at the time. Several years earlier, the Army had officially excised the term as an unfavorable characterization derived from the designation "government issue." Sailors and Marines wanted to be known as sailors and Marines. Airmen, notwithstanding their origins as a rib of the Army, wished to be called simply airmen. Collectively, they were blandly referred to as "service members."

I persisted in using G.I.s and found I was in good company. Newspapers and television shows used it all the time. The most famous and successful government education program was known as the G.I. Bill, and it still uses that title for a newer generation of veterans. When you added one of the most common boy's names to it, you got G.I. Joe, and the name of the most popular boy's toy ever, the G.I. Joe action figure（这就是为什么我们要用GI而不是解放军，要以彼之道还施彼身，用能同鬼子的内心产生共鸣的例子去吸引他们。同样是用例子，在保证了可以明晰阐述本段的point之后，我们要做的就是力所能及得使例子更简洁，更能被rater接受，同时也要通过例子去抓住rater的好感）. And let's not forget G.I. Jane.  G.I. is a World War II term that two generations later continues to conjure up the warmest and proudest memories of a noble war that pitted pure good against pure evil — and good triumphed（这句话不错的很，满足了鬼子的虚荣，同时展示了GI的正面必要特征）. The victors in that war were the American G.I.s, the Willies and Joes, the farmer from Iowa and the steelworker from Pittsburgh who stepped off a landing craft into the hell of Omaha Beach. The G.I. was the wisecracking kid Marine from Brooklyn who clawed his way up a deadly hill on a Pacific island. He was a black fighter pilot escorting white bomber pilots over Italy and Germany, proving that skin color had nothing to do with skill or courage. He was a native Japanese-American infantryman released from his own country's concentration camp to join the fight. She was a nurse relieving the agony of a dying teenager. He was a petty officer standing on the edge of a heaving aircraft carrier with two signal paddles in his hands, helping guide a dive-bomber pilot back onto the deck. （橙色这段不是例子，但是其描述语言非常值得我们记住）

They were America. They reflected our diverse origins. They were the embodiment of the American spirit of courage and dedication. They were truly a "people's army," going forth on a crusade to save democracy and freedom, to defeat tyrants, to save oppressed peoples and to make their families proud of them（i'm not here to judge, 但是人家确实是这样想的。大家换位思考一下，如果一个人跟你聊天想让你给他出谋划策如何装饰布置家里，有两种方式：夸你家布置的多么多么精巧有品位，做饭的时候厨房收拾的干干净净；或者天天说你不叠被子想从你身上找些反面素材。哪一个你更喜欢呢？persuasion和negotiation的一个重要技巧就是得到对方信任，争取对方好感。有了好感之后，说啥啥简单。）. They were the Private Ryans, and they stood firm in the thin red line(大兵ryan都上了，这个是基于familiar例子之上的另一个层次，也就是引用rater非常熟知的意识形态。再用聊天做比喻，如果聊天的时候一直在说——"我跟你说啊，这个你不懂的"好呢？还是这样说——"看这个，比如就像你XX时候做的XX事一样，其实很类似的，只要看清本质，你没有问题的！").

For most of those G.I.s, World War II was the adventure of their lifetime. Nothing they would ever do in the future would match their experiences as the warriors of democracy, saving the world from its own insanity. You can still see them in every Fourth of July color guard, their gait faltering but ever proud.  Their forebears went by other names: doughboys, Yanks, buffalo soldiers, Johnny Reb, Rough Riders. But "G.I." will be forever lodged in the consciousness of our nation to apply to them all. The G.I. carried the value system of the American people(注意，analytical writing要走academic路线，要适当cheer up raters，但是要有度，过犹不及). The G.I.s were the surest guarantee of America's commitment. For more than 200 years, they answered the call to fight the nation's battles. They never went forth as mercenaries on the road to conquest. They went forth as reluctant warriors, as citizen soldiers.  They were as gentle in victory as they were vicious in battle. I've had survivors of Nazi concentration camps tell me of the joy they experienced as the G.I.s liberated them: America had arrived! I've had a wealthy Japanese businessman come into my office and tell me what it was like for him as a child in 1945 to await the arrival of the dreaded American beasts, and instead meet a smiling G.I. who gave him a Hershey bar. In thanks, the businessman was donating a large sum of money to the USO. After thanking him, I gave him as a souvenir a Hershey bar I had autographed. He took it and began to cry.

The 20th century can be called many things, but it was most certainly a century of war（这个做例子的头一句要比"here is a example"给人更多的阅读愉悦感吧）. The American G.I.s helped defeat fascism and communism（单从这个，就可以开辟引申出WW II全图，政治、历史、社会类topic一网打尽）. They came home in triumph from the ferocious battlefields of World Wars I and II. In Korea and Vietnam（名词列举，很累，因为要记住很多，但是如果定向去记忆，撑死超不过50个词。不过有一点，列举的时候一定要找盖棺定论的。） they fought just as bravely as any of their predecessors, but no triumphant receptions awaited them at home（默默无闻的付出？想没想起那个forgotten groups的ISSUE题目？）. They soldiered on through the twilight struggles of the cold war and showed what they were capable of in Desert Storm. The American people took them into their hearts again.

In this century hundreds of thousands of G.I.s died to bring to the beginning of the 21st century the victory of democracy as the ascendant political system on the face of the earth. The G.I.s were willing to travel far away and give their lives, if necessary（so pretty的一个插入语）, to secure the rights and freedoms of others. Only a nation such as ours, based on a firm moral foundation, could make such a request of its citizens（no judge，他们就是这么"自信"，我们要鄙视么?可以，不过考试的时候，可以适当利用一下）. And the G.I.s wanted nothing more than to get the job done and then return home safely. All they asked for in repayment from those they freed was the opportunity to help them become part of the world of democracy--and just enough land to bury their fallen comrades, beneath simple white crosses and Stars of David（注意这个Stars of David，此句一出，效果相当明显的，虽然咱们不清楚是咋回事，但是鬼子一看到之后，脑袋里就会映现出来的）.  The volunteer G.I.s of today stand watch in Korea, the Persian Gulf, Europe and the dangerous terrain of the Balkans. We must never see them as mere hirelings, off in a corner of our society. They are our best, and we owe them our full support and our sincerest thanks（又在煽情，不过对那个forgotten groups的题目来说，做一个倒数第二段的升华段TS应该很pretty吧）.  As this century closes, we look back to identify the great leaders and personalities of the past 100 years. We do so in a world still troubled, but full of promise. That promise was gained by the young men and women of America who fought and died for freedom. Near the top of any listing of the most important people of the 20th century must stand, in singular honor, the American G.I. General Colin Powell, former Chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff, is now chairman of America's Promise

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Roosevelt sits at the steering wheel of his automobile in April 1939

此篇与上一个是一个素材逻辑体系的两个层面：大众 Vs. 领导、国际Vs. 国内、全局Vs. 细节

此篇适合（基本全包了）：政治类（同WW II三巨头联系）、历史类（同WW II联系）、国际类、社会类、行为类、抽象类、教育类、科技类

http://www.time.com/time/time100/leaders/profile/fdr.html

Franklin Delano Roosevelt（务必注意，如果是举例的话，一定要说是Franklin  Roosevelt，米国有两个Roosevelt的）
He lifted the U.S. out of economic despair and revolutionized the American way of life. Then he helped make the world safe for democracy
By ARTHUR SCHLESINGER JR.

Person of the Century: Runner-Up: Franklin Delano Roosevelt
Bill Clinton: FDR Was Captain Courageous

Intro: Our Century ... and the Next One
21st Century: The Shape of the Future

Monday, April 13, 1998

"Perhaps no form of government," said Lord Bryce, "needs great leaders（对于题库敏感的同学看到这个要心跳一下了，很fit。所以，搜集例子之前，要保证对题库全局足够的熟悉，我的建议是先看4遍题库，具体看题库的方法请看dies in flames组作业安排对应部分） as much as democracy." For democracy is not self-executing. It takes leadership to bring democracy to life. Great democratic leaders are visionaries. They have an instinct for their nation's future, a course to steer, a port to seek. Through their capacity for persuasion, they win the consent of their people and call forth democracy's inner resources.（这个描述你行吗？不行就学下去，不过说实在的，看我这个帖子的人太多太多了，如果纸背照搬会会雷同，没有啥所谓的"俺之抄三分之一或者一半就可以"，引用最合理比喻，所有小概率乘以庞大的国内人口基数都会很大很大，所以记住，抄我的，必定雷同。同时请永远记住一点，我在所有帖子中，都只会点拨。核心原则是【授人以渔】，学会了如何"钓鱼"之后，一定要自己去钓才行）

Democracy has been around for a bit, but the 20th century has been the crucial century of its trial, testing and triumph. At the century's start, democracy was thought to be spreading irresistibly across the world. Then the Great War, the war of 1914-18, showed that democracy could not assure peace. Postwar disillusion activated democracy's two deadly foes: fascism and communism. Soon the Great Depression in the 1930s showed that democracy could not assure prosperity either, and the totalitarian creeds gathered momentum. （现在的经济危机有是一次了，可以联系起来，这个视角的放大，100年都进去了）

The Second World War found democracy fighting for its life（从而展开政治、历史类topic）. By 1941 there were only a dozen or so democratic states left on earth. But great leadership emerged in time to rally the democratic cause. Future historians, looking back at this most bloody of centuries, will very likely regard the 32nd President of the U.S., Franklin Delano Roosevelt, as the leader most responsible for mobilizing democratic energies and faith first against economic collapse and then against military terror.

F.D.R. was the best loved and most hated American President of the 20th century. He was loved because, though patrician by birth, upbringing and style, he believed in and fought for plain people — for the "forgotten man" (and woman), for the "third of the nation, ill-housed, ill-clad, ill-nourished."（激动没激动？熟悉不熟悉？和题库里的多少题目配的上？） He was loved because he radiated personal charm, joy in his work, optimism for the future. Even Charles de Gaulle, who well knew Roosevelt's disdain for him, succumbed to the "glittering personality," as he put it, of "that artist, that seducer." "Meeting him," said Winston Churchill, "was like uncorking a bottle of champagne."

But he was hated too — （橙色字的这个文章结构，真的不错的很）hated because he called for change, and the changes he proposed reduced the power, status, income and self-esteem of those who profited most from the old order（OMG,从这里能引出的东西，太多太多了）. Hatred is happily more fleeting than love. The men who sat in their clubs denouncing "that man in the White House," that "traitor to his class," have died off. Their children and grandchildren mostly find the New Deal reforms familiar, benign and beneficial.  When pollster John Zogby recently asked people to rate the century's Presidents, F.D.R. led the pack, even though only septuagenarians and their elders can remember him in the White House. Historians and political scientists are unanimous in placing F.D.R. with Washington and Lincoln as our three greatest Presidents.  Even Republicans have come to applaud this most successful of Democrats. Ronald Reagan voted four times for F.D.R. Newt Gingrich calls F.D.R. the greatest President of the century. Bob Dole praises F.D.R. as an "energetic and inspiring leader during the dark days of the Depression; a tough, single-minded Commander in Chief during World War II; and a statesman."

F.D.R. was not a perfect man. In the service of his objectives, he could be, and often was, devious, guileful, manipulative, evasive, dissembling, underhanded, even ruthless（对于反面我们应该如何做呢？请参照我在GI那里说的东西，自己想明白）. But he had great strengths. He relished power and organized, or disorganized, his Administration so that conflict among his subordinates would ensure that the big decisions would come to him. A politician to his fingertips, he rejoiced in party combat. "I'm an old campaigner, and I love a good fight," he would say, and "Judge me by the enemies I have made." An optimist who fought his own brave way back from polio, he brought confidence and hope to a scared and stricken nation.  He was a realist in means but an idealist in ends. Above all, F.D.R. stood for humanity against ideology. The 20th was the most ideological of centuries. Adolf Hitler and Joseph Stalin systematically sacrificed millions to false and terrible dogmas. Even within the democracies, ideologues believed that the Great Depression imposed an either/or choice: if you abandon laissez-faire, you are condemned to total statism. "Partial regimentation cannot be made to work," said Herbert Hoover, "and still maintain live democratic institutions."  Against the worship of abstractions, F.D.R. wanted to find practical ways to help decent men and women struggling day by day to make a happier world for themselves and their children. His technique was, as he said, "bold, persistent experimentation ... Take a method and try it. If it fails, admit it frankly and try another. But above all, try something." Except for the part about admitting failure frankly, that was the practice of his Administration（这段里关于血腥部分的描述，不推荐用，没什么实际效果，不过其他的还是很好的）.

下面一半是关于执政细节和depression的，你们自己挑一下试试，练习练习我上面说的东西，挑好之后，可以在本贴后面跟楼，我会给前三名同学的挑选做分析和解答

When he came to office in 1933, laissez-faire had undermined the temples of capitalism, thrown a quarter of the labor force out of work, cut the gross national product almost in half and provoked mutterings of revolution. No one knew why things had gone wrong or how to set them right. Only communists were happy, seeing in the Great Depression decisive proof of Karl Marx's prophecy that capitalism would be destroyed by its own contradictions.

Then F.D.R. appeared, a magnificent, serene, exhilarating personality, buoyantly embodying new ideas, new courage, new confidence in America's ability to regain control over its future. His New Deal swiftly introduced measures for social protection, regulation and control. Laissez-faire ideologues and Roosevelt haters cried that he was putting the country on the road to communism, the only alternative permitted by the either/or creed. But Roosevelt understood that Social Security, unemployment compensation, public works, securities regulation, rural electrification, farm price supports, reciprocal-trade agreements, minimum wages and maximum hours, guarantees of collective bargaining and all the rest were saving capitalism from itself.  "The test of our progress," he said in his second Inaugural, "is not whether we add more to the abundance of those who have much, it is whether we provide enough for those who have too little." The job situation improved in the 1930s, aided by the Works Progress Administration, the famous WPA, with which government as employer of last resort built schools, post offices, airfields, parks, bridges, tunnels and sewage systems; protected the environment; and fostered the arts. By the 1940 election, the anticapitalist vote, almost a million in 1932, had dwindled to 150,000.  The New Deal never quite solved the problem of unemployment. Though F.D.R. was portrayed as a profligate spender, his largest peacetime deficit was a feeble $3.6 billion in 1936 — far less, even when corrected for inflation, than deficits routinely produced 50 years later by Reagan. It took World War II and the Defense Department to create deficits large enough to wipe out unemployment, proving the case for a compensatory fiscal policy.  Before F.D.R., the U.S. had had a depression every 20 years or so. The built-in economic stabilizers of the New Deal, vociferously denounced by business leaders at the time, have preserved the country against major depressions for more than a half-century. F.D.R.'s signal domestic achievement was to rescue capitalism from the capitalists.  "We are fighting," he said in 1936, "to save a great and precious form of government for ourselves and for the world." F.D.R.'s brilliant (and sometimes not so brilliant) improvisations restored America's faith in democratic institutions. Elsewhere on the planet, democracy was under assault. Hitler was on the march in Europe. Japan had invaded China and dreamed of a Greater East Asia Co-Prosperity Sphere under Japanese domination.  F.D.R.'s education in foreign affairs had been at the hands of two Presidents he greatly admired. Theodore Roosevelt, his kinsman (a fifth cousin), taught him national-interest, balance-of-power geopolitics. Woodrow Wilson, whom he served as Assistant Secretary of the Navy, gave him the vision of a world beyond balances of power, an international order founded on the collective maintenance of the peace. F.D.R.'s internationalism used T.R.'s realism as the heart of Wilson's idealism.  But Americans, disenchanted with their participation in the Great War, had turned their backs on the world and reverted to isolationism. Rigid neutrality acts denied the President authority to discriminate between aggressor states and their victims and thereby prevented the U.S. from throwing its weight against aggression.

To awaken his country from its isolationist slumber, Roosevelt began a long, urgent, eloquent campaign of popular education, warning that unchecked aggression abroad would ultimately endanger the U.S. itself. "Let no one imagine that America will escape, that America may expect mercy," he said. The debate in 1940-41 between isolationists and interventionists was the most passionate political argument of my lifetime. It came to an abrupt end when Japanese bombs fell on Pearl Harbor.

As war leader, F.D.R. picked an extraordinary team of generals and admirals. In partnership with Churchill, he presided over the vital strategic decisions. And also, in the footsteps of Wilson, he was determined that victory should produce a framework for lasting world peace.  He saw the war as bringing about historic changes — the rise of Russia and China, for example, and the end of Western colonialism. He tried to persuade the British to give India its independence and tried to stop the French from repossessing Indochina. In the Four Freedoms and, with Churchill, in the Atlantic Charter, he proclaimed war aims in words that continue to express the world's aspirations today.  Remembering America's reversion to isolationism after World War I, he set out to involve the U.S. in postwar structures while the war was still on and the country still in an internationalist frame of mind. "Anybody who thinks that isolationism is dead in this country is crazy," he said privately. "As soon as this war is over, it may well be stronger than ever."  In a series of conferences in 1944, he committed the country to international mechanisms in a variety of fields — finance and trade, relief and reconstruction, food and agriculture, civil aviation. Most of all, he saw the United Nations, in the words of the diplomat Charles E. Bohlen, as "the only device that could keep the U.S. from slipping back into isolationism." He arranged for the U.N.'s founding conference to take place in San Francisco before the war was over (though it turned out to be after his own death in April 1945 at the age of 63).  The great riddle for the peace was the Soviet Union. Perhaps Roosevelt, as some argue, should have conditioned aid to Russia during the war on pledges of postwar good behavior. But the fate of the second front in the west depended on the Red Army's holding down Nazi divisions in the east, and neither Roosevelt nor Churchill wanted to delay Stalin's military offensives — or to drive him to make a separate peace with Hitler.  With the war approaching its end, the two democratic leaders met Stalin at Yalta. Some say that this meeting brought about the division of Europe. In fact, far from endorsing Soviet control of Eastern Europe, Roosevelt and Churchill secured from Stalin pledges of "the earliest possible establishment through free elections of governments responsive to the will of the people." Stalin had to break the Yalta agreements to achieve his ends — which would seem to prove the agreements were more in the Western than the Soviet interest. In fact, Eastern Europe today is what the Yalta Declarations mandated in 1945.  Take a look at our present world. It is manifestly not Adolf Hitler's world. His Thousand-Year Reich turned out to have a brief and bloody run of a dozen years. It is manifestly not Joseph Stalin's world. That ghastly world self-destructed before our eyes. Nor is it Winston Churchill's world. Empire and its glories have long since vanished into history.  The world we live in today is Franklin Roosevelt's world. Of the figures who for good or evil dominated the planet 60 years ago, he would be least surprised by the shape of things at the millennium. And confident as he was of the power and vitality of democracy, he would welcome the challenges posed by the century to come.  Franklin Delano Roosevelt, said Isaiah Berlin, was one of the few statesmen in any century "who seemed to have no fear at all of the future."  Pulitzer prize-winning historian Arthur Schlesinger Jr. is the author of The Age of Roosevelt. He is currently at work on his memoirs

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Michael BloombergBy Robert F. Kennedy Jr.

Gregory Heisler for TIME

这篇挑了一个短小的，从另一个方面展示一下素材的收集~
规则同上，我不给出解释，同学们自己来，写好之后，前三人我来直接指导

I've long argued that one of our most critical environmental issues is the challenge of making our cities attractive, enriching and safe places to live. The best cure for destructive sprawl is to build cities people don't want to abandon, places where they can live healthy, fulfilling lives in densities that don't devour our landscapes, pave our wilderness and pollute our watersheds, air and wildlife. To achieve this, we need to invest in urban schools, transportation, parks, health care, police protection, and infrastructure that makes cities great magnets with gravity sufficient to draw back the creeping suburbs.  There is a moral as well as an environmental imperative to attend to landscapes that are home to so many. For more than 8 million New York City residents, the environment is not a Rocky Mountain meadow with pronghorns grazing beside an alpine stream. It's their transit system and office buildings, the parks where their children play.

No one understands this better than New York City's mayor, Michael Bloomberg, 66, who has not only worked to make his city livable but has also promised to make it a global model of sustainability. Mayor Bloomberg realizes that a better future for New York will not be constructed on jobs or housing alone. It must also include cleaner air, safer drinking water, more green spaces and a healthy, accessible Hudson River.

In addition to protecting the local environment, he has promised to make New York a paradigm in the fight against global warming. His visionary PlaNYC commits New York to plant 1 million trees, slash greenhouse gases 30% by 2030 and achieve the cleanest air of any big city on the continent. Mayor Bloomberg has stepped into the breach left by a Federal Government that has abdicated all leadership on global warming. With his pragmatism and boundless energy, he has shown that a city can be both great and green. If that idea can make it here, it can make it anywhere.

Kennedy is senior attorney for the Natural Resources Defense Council

关于素材的来源和选取

原则：

1、用心去做，别偷懒，别投机。聪明反被聪明误，尤其是小聪明。
2、贴近鬼子生活，这样才能产生所谓的共鸣；关于中国例子，我会单独开一个超大分析去阐述，总之，现在不推荐用。
3、与时俱进
4、清新脱俗，别老是弄爱因斯坦伽利略了，你自己是写一篇，rater是每天看几百篇，有点同情心好不
5、挖掘例子的深度以及不同层次角度

源泉：

economist（这个里面的素材是偏向字词的，真的例子不是很多）
time100（这个是我还有我推荐过的很多很多人都在用的，总共就没有多少，已经用的差不多了，要小心）
各大报刊杂志
各大奖项，如noble prize，普利策文学奖等

收集程度：

做到我那么吧，真的很推荐的

补充：

突然忘记刚才想说了T_T~~~，先空这，等我回头补