Neil Shrubak wrote: The problem of definitions seems to be an ongoing challenge in every debate in the Economist series, this one being no exception. As the debate goes on, the comments start wandering round and about a lot. JNOV states that defining privacy in general terms is a moot point, because privacy is, by definition, a personal thing. First of all, any concept, no matter what its application may be, can be discussed in general terms without dropping the conversation level to the exchange of anecdotes from all over the world.
Having argued a lot with POSTCOLONIALTECH before, I especially value our agreement on the issue of this debate and, naturally, his nice comments about one of my posts. This is why it disappoints me very much to see references to current political figures and government officials in one of his recent posts. I am afraid that this will open the flood gates, and we'll have problems seeking for a single debate post in a dozen political statements. And this venue is quite prone to irrelevant comments as it is.
Earlier in this debate, I wrote how much I hoped that the greater part of this debate would be focused on fundamental issues. Alas, many special cases have come to the fore instead. Some of them are featured more prominently than others, and I wanted to add my two cents as well. (Please do not judge too harshly, if they turn into 20 cents...)
On the issue of special government privileges in times of crisis, as mentioned by MAN FROM MADISON and others. Well, I guess this is why they are special. 【If the government declares martial law, it's either because the country is fighting a foreign enemy (think US in WWII, without going on a tangent there) or the government tries to oppress its people (think Poland in the 1980's). In the first case, the people will support its government and surrender their rights temporarily, until the cause of the martial law is eliminated. 】就是传说中的“自己的例子”,假想合理的情况以说明论点,学习In the second case, the government will be using false security threats to deny the people its rights. This is precisely the issue of this debate. In the absence of a clear and present danger to the very existence of the state, what right does the government have to introduce any super-legal (extra-judicial) measures? My answer is that there is clearly none.
Another common special topic is closed-circuit TV. I'm afraid I will sound a bit like the supporter of Mr. Livingston to begin with, but, please, read on. Government may not monitor the private space without proper judicial endorsement from an independent judiciary, e.g., a search and/or surveillance warrant. The independence of the judiciary is critical in this case. I am not talking about authoritarian or totalitarian regimes with the courts rubber stamping any action of the police, many times post-factum. Thus, the only issue to consider is the CCTV monitoring of public places in civic societies. I would argue that it is a good thing! The government has the right and, indeed, the duty, to police the public sphere to prevent crimes from happening. The CCTV would make such policing more effective without inflating the police force. A person walking down the street should not feel any more threatened by walking in a coverage zone of a CCTV camera that the same person would feel by passing a police officer on the same street. In effect, this is a kin to having a police officer of every corner for the purpose of crime prevention, but without building up a super police force more common to police states with the force suitable for suppression of popular discontent, should it arise...
Now on to the airlines... I hate it as much as the next guy when the minimum-wage high-school drop-out makes me take my shoes off in an airport, but I would either sign up for the biometric ID speed-pass or choose alternative means of transportation, if such searches became really annoying. Why? Because this is an interaction in PUBLIC space. Flying an airplane is NOT a constitutional right, neither is driving an automobile. The former is a purchase of service, the latter is a privilege, and both are regulated by the government due to TECHNICAL safety considerations. One can own as many cars as one's budget would allow, but driving on shared public highways and streets means surrendering your preferences for the sake of common good. None of this compares to a government agent peeping in my bed-room, reading my e-mail, or listening in on my phone conversation.
Also, there were a few mentions of super-levels of privacy, such as medical and financial records, commercial internet usage monitoring, etc. It is not a coincidence that institutions collecting such information, e.g., banks and hospitals, are judged on the basis of their ability to protect it. As far as Google is concerned - disable cookies on your computer, if you don't want Google to know where you are browsing. I believe that these levels are much less important than the fundamental question of inalienable and categorical rights of an individual, but these additional rights can only exist in case that the fundamentals are holding. In that sense, the super-level rights are a buffer zone and any infringement on these rights may serve as warning against potential infringement of much more malevolent nature.
Where's the solution? As the featured participant, Mr. Sanderson, noted, it is better to make communities safer by building up communities, at home and abroad. Indeed, "put shovels and pencils - instead of guns - in the hands of the marginalized." The same argument was echoed by POSTCOLONIALTECH in the context of building communities with engaged and "invested" individuals. (I would disagree with POSTCOLONIALTECH on the attitude of American capitalism towards John Nash and game theory.) To the best of my knowledge, data mining is not held in highest regard in academic community. The reason is that data mining often times indicates the lack of workable hypothesis. This is something that the government should learn from academia. The government resources will be better spent on eliminating the causes of security threats rather than vain attempts to know everything about everybody. Government security agencies all over the world have proven themselves, time an again, incapable of processing the information currently available to them. They are often searching for a needle in a hay stack. Adding more hay is not going to make them any more effective. Salman N. wrote: saying about security we must be very carefully.
of cource, the freedom has a border. But there are fundamental human rights which cannot be broken. Never. If we began justify the violation of fundamental rights to achive security, then we must justify hitlers, stalins and saddams, who have killed millions guiltless people to achive sucurity. Man from Madison wrote: Privacy and security are both intimately related to --and derivative of--our founding political values. However, the essential political task is, on a practical level, not to ensure life, liberty and happiness as independent values, but to encourage the pragmatic conditions for a balance between all of these goals.
One should appreciate that the conditions of balance will occasionally require some re-definitions and adjustments in the light of contemporary circumstances. In that context politicians will occasionally be compelled, especially in times of crisis, to adjust that balance according to standards of political prudence. Thus, for example, sometimes freedoms have to be checked, such as in cases of legitimate martial law in the aftermath of a natural disaster -- or during the conduct of a war. Thus, no less than Abraham Lincoln was not willing to let a Supreme Court justice apply an impracticable legal standard in time of a war that could have -in his estimation-- detracted substantively from the prosecution of that war. In other contexts it is possible to discern where a policy might have gone too far, to wit, the program of 'Palmer Raids' conducted in the 1920s as a reaction to the perceived threat of Bolshevism. That program was reversed as a result of a public outcry. Indeed, a basic redeeming institutional mechanism is a free public dialogue, most obviously in the press media, which normally will provide an ongoing public scrutiny and subsequent political corrections against such reactionary political measures. More generally, although it is certainly possible to conceive of "going too far" in the contemporary response to international terrorism, the public appears to remain inclined to fault government mainly for not providing sufficient warning (those that were issued by Richard Clark and others were largely ignored by the Bush Administration for the sake of other priorities) -- rather than for exceeding legal boundaries or associated inconveniences, such as associated with counter-terrorism measures at airports (or even with the judicious use of high-tech, data-mining techniques.) In any case I have yet to be convinced that the public's general reliance on a system of institutional checks and balances, such as political elections, congressional oversights and court appeals, to thwart and/or repeal any abuses which might occur is either abjectly naive or exhausted by the current political climate. PostColonialTech wrote: As the conversation wanders through everything from politics to disposable razors to disability rights (that one came from me), I think it is important to assess the notion of "security." "Security" to "statists" like Mr. Livingstone, George W. Bush, and Tony Blair, is something only achieved by government direct action. In this schema this is a fight - the government on one side creating security and humans on the other side creating risk. So, of course, neither Mr. Livingstone nor any US Republican (the world's greatest "big government political party since the Soviet Communist Party fell out of favour) can imagine that human rights and freedoms are compatible with security.
But think of it this way. Despite my past as an NYPD police officer and my respect for the police profession, I know that it is not police or security measures which make communities safe. What builds community security is community - an engaged and invested population with a belief that stability is in their best interests. That requires a certain degree of economic comfort (not "wealth" but not a level of deprivation which breaks social bonds). That requires a level of social commitment which links community well-being to individual well-being (see John Nash and "equilibrium" - a concept foreign to American capitalist "true believers"). That requires societal tools in place which support this - from the much maligned "safety net" to education to well-functioning instruments of social communication.
And all of this is true for "National" Security as well. For globally, just as in a neighborhood, there are internal and external threats. "Home grown terrorists" develop just like home grown vandals. Foreign threats arise just as dangers come from across town.
Is there a police function? Of course. But that function works (provably) less well when - through privacy and rights violations - government ("the state") is perceived as "more separate" from humanity and "more intrusive" to privacy and personal rights. The statists - from Bush to Giuliani to Livingstone - will need Stasi (the old DDR Security structure) level resources because they see this as a war against their own citizenry.
Much more efficient, and leading to a much higher level of security - is a government based in its society, trusting that society, and willing to quietly serve that society.
Mr. Livingstone's proposition creates the false security of the terror state. And is emblematic of the unfortunate historical fact that combatants in a battle become more like each other the longer the battle goes on. So the Pro side wants to fight fear with fear, repression with repression, violations of rights with violations of rights.
I wish I could send those voting Pro just a few history books. If they would gather just a bit of knowledge of the human experience they would understand how badly their equation always comes out. Tony Imbrogno wrote: Benjamin Franklin was absolutely correct and we mustn't forget his lesson about sacrificing freedom for security, no matter the challenges we may face. abu ali wrote: Security? Which security? What has actually been achieved? Strikes me as rather a bogus claim to justify ever more ruthless intrusions by wellmeaning (?) authorities into our private lifes :-( ErrolB wrote: Today's call from the Moderator is to discuss the "Grey Matters". The debate is indeed more complex. The qualifyier AussieDebater provides "As long as we can control our government through our democratic voice" is not something many citizens have learnt to rely on for comfort. The central issue with privacy is trust. We entrust our bank with financial details, we would not share elsewhere. We entrust a close friend with information we may not share with a family member. Governments are not homogeneous entities that with uniform constraints or mandates. Ultimately individuals in government will have the power to uphold the trust or betray the trust we have put on them with our private information. These individuals function from day to day with less than perfect personalities, a variety of mandates imposed on them by their bosses, varying measures of zeal to protect their country and a soundly human capacity to justify any action they may or may not take. These are the realities that helped form the old world protections of individual privacy and I see no change to these realities in the modern age that would possibly convince me to give up these protections in favour of the promise of "security". In particular promises from governments following policies blatantly antagonising significant segments of the global community. On balance of probability a government unable to demonstrate the maturity to compromise in its politics is unlikely to recruit to its ranks any individuals worthy of my trust. jnov wrote: Debates about privacy, and the lack thereof, are moot when discusses in generalities Privacy by definition is personal. It is very easy for a 'regular' citizen to say "some erosion of privacy is needed to be secure" because the underlying assumption is that it will always be someone else's privacy that will be eroded. That same person would not feel so supportive of that erosion if it meant her emails were being read, her phone tapped by a warrantless wire and her life then inconvenienced because of the information secured through either procedure.
A name is put on the 'suspected terrorist fly list'.【 The name of a 13 year old boy. Why? The parents are not allowed to know why. What can they do to get it removed? Nothing. There is no appeal process and the government is under no obligation to explain anything. So now every time this family flies anywhere, to visit relatives, to have a vacation, for a school trip, this family must go down to the local airline office to book his ticket in person. They can not book any tickets for him online. When going through the airport, he is taken out of the regular security line and his bags are completely unpacked and searched through. Now he is a 15 year old young man. Now his mother starts to worry, what if some security person decides he looks 'suspicious'? What other hassles is this young man to be put through for absolutely no reason? What does this do to his sense of pride in his country? His sense of belonging to his country? How does this unreasonable intrusion color his parents' view of their country and their trust in its government? Does this intrusion make them more or less likely to be good citizens? What about the young man as he grows into a teenager, a young adult, as he is continued to be hassled for no reason, what does this intrusion do to his developing ideas about government, about the establishment, about his role as a cooperative or non-cooperative citizen?】例子比较值得关注
If a country is filled with disgruntled citizens, how secure is that country going to be? It is like the giant old oak tree in the back field. Big, commanding, seemingly immortal yet hollow inside and vulnerable to the strong winds.
No intelligent, thinking American would disagree that there needs to be a balance between individual privacy and the government's need to keep the public safe. But at what cost and where is the line drawn? jnov wrote: Upon my first reading of the opening statements by both speakers, I was aghast with Mr. Livingstone's comments. Not because I had not heard it all before, which of course I have. But I was astounded that Mr. Livingstone, someone chosen to represent an open debate of this caliber on this website, would stoop to such childish arguments to support his opinion. "If someone wants to opt out and not be subject to government scrutiny, he or she can forgo airline travel, the use of the telephone and the internet, and even personal identification and credit cards." These kind of statements are childish and silly in any serious debate about this very serious topic.
I certainly hope that Mr. Livingstone's rhetoric raises to the level of intelligent debate that this forum serves. P. F. Hurt wrote: Mr. Livingstone wrote of the risks to "our lives and ... infrastructure," and various "Pro" commentators wrote of the survival of our society. Given that survival as a species is not at issue (at least not from "terrorism"), survival of the society matters only to the extent that society embodies values worth protecting. Respect for the individual, for the rights of the individual and for individual privacy have long been recognized as core values that have distinguished the American experiment. If we trench on individual privacy, hence individual liberty, in the name of protecting the society, we undermine our values and our reason to exist as a society.
Whatever the theoretical merits of the debate, in the current context of the "war on terror " the "Pro" argument is empty. The "war on terror" is a political slogan, used by the Bush administration to distract attention from its moral and intellectual bankruptcy and its failures of domestic and foreign policy. It is not a war in any accepted sense of the word. The threat, while real, is amorphous; there is no front, no well-defined enemy, no end and no possible victory. The administration is not committed to fighting terrorism--witness its failure to follow through in Afghanistan, its willingness to weaken relationships with other liberal democracies, and, most appallingly, its willingness to squander American lives and resources in Iraq while cynically citing terrorism. Rather, the administration is committed only to appearing to fight terrorism in pursuit of political power.
Ultimately, we best protect society by founding it on principles and values, and by being a society worthy of respect Comments from the floor In God we trust
wrote: In the 21st century, there is more information available for people to absorb than ever before in history by the largest population that the world has known. The same can be said about the evils of mankind and the power to use destructive force to corrupt the mind and kill the body. The primary struggle must surely be to search for the truth that helps us to understand and live a life that values its sanctity above all else. A lust for power no matter how it is justified will never give way to, or be greater than, the need for love. The timeless example of this truth is alive in the spirit of Jesus Christ, for those who believe or reject Him. As with the sanctity of human life, many will not wish to live in this truth or ever acknowledge it, thus creating the need for vigilance aginst those who wish to destroy it. Anyone who has nothing to hide should not be concerned about this process as long as they have the periodic right to vote against any government that allows its excesses. Aristarchus wrote: Without present societal system based on coercion we have never been able to solve even one of our societal problems. And never will be able to do so, as the system seeks to subvert the laws of nature under which we evolved. A political society says there must be ever-increasing laws, until all action is either required or prohibited. And there is no need for further action. If we continue down this road we will first become non-viable as a specie. A point we may be approaching now. Then extinct. Yet all societal problems have a single, simple cause. And thus a solution. If we do not think, and adopt it soon, we will perish as a specie. |