TSUBASA 小组 阅读分析 总帖

qtangtangsUID: 2630008

以后大家所有的economist times 等其他的英语期刊等的阅读分析贴全都回复在这哈～～

请每次回复在 本篇开头 写上你认为此文章的题材可应用于issue中哪个类别

例： 历史类

贴文

flearUID: 2533174

社会类、教育类，尤其是I130

Socialization

Human infants are born without any culture.  They must be transformed by their parents, teachers, and others into cultural and socially adept animals.  The general process of acquiring culture is referred to as socialization(socialization的大概定义).
During socialization, we learn the language of the culture we are born into as well as the roles we are to play(socialization的一个结果或者说作用) in life.  For instance, girls learn how to be daughters, sisters, friends, wives, and mothers.  In addition, they learn about the occupational roles（second function）
that their society has in store for them.  We also learn and usually adopt our culture's norms (third one) through the socialization process.  Norms
are the conceptions of appropriate and expected behavior that are held by most members of the society.  While socialization refers to the general process of acquiring culture, anthropologists use the term enculturation for the process of being socialized to a particular culture.  You were enculturated to your specific culture by your parents and the other people who raised you.

Socialization is important in the process of personality formation. While much of human personality is the result of our genes, the socialization process can mold it in particular directions by encouraging specific beliefs and attitudes as well as selectively providing experiences.  This very likely accounts for much of the difference between the common personality types in one society in comparison to another.  For instance, the Semai tribesmen of the central Malay Peninsula of Malaysia typically are gentle people who do not like violent, aggressive individuals.  In fact, they avoid them whenever possible.  In contrast, the Yanomamö Indians on the border area between Venezuela and Brazil usually train their boys to be tough and aggressive.  The ideal Yanomamö man does not shrink from violence and strong emotions.  In fact, he seeks them out(shrink from与seek them out). Likewise, Shiite Muslim men of Iran are expected at times to publicly express their religious faith through the emotionally powerful act of self-inflicted pain.（useful examples）

Successful socialization can result in uniformity within a society.  If all children receive the same socialization, it is likely that they will share the same beliefs and expectations.  This fact has been a strong motivation for national governments around the world to standardize education and make it compulsory for all children. （可以用于教育类） Deciding what things will be taught and how they are taught is a powerful political tool for controlling people.  Those who internalize the norms of society are less likely to break the law or to want radical social changes.   In all societies, however, there are individuals who do not conform to culturally defined standards of normalcy because they were "abnormally" socialized, which is to say that they have not internalized the norms of society. These people are usually labeled by their society as deviant or even mentally ill.  

Large-scale societies, such as the United States, are usually composed of many ethnic groups.  As a consequence, early socialization in different families often varies in techniques, goals, and expectations.  Since these complex societies are not culturally homogenous, they do not have unanimous agreement about what should be the shared norms（可化用于i130）. Not surprisingly, this national ambiguity usually results in more tolerance of social deviancy--it is more acceptable to be different in appearance, personality, and actions in such large-scale societies.

How are Children Socialized?

Socialization is a learning process that begins shortly after birth.  Early childhood is the period of the most intense and the most crucial socialization.  It is then that we acquire language and learn the fundamentals of our culture. It is also when much of our personality takes shape.  However, we continue to be socialized throughout our lives.  As we age, we enter new statuses and need to learn the appropriate roles for them.  We also have experiences that teach us lessons and potentially lead us to alter our expectations, beliefs, and personality.  For instance, the experience of being raped is likely to cause a woman to be distrustful of others.（这个例子不太妥当…）

Looking around the world, we see that different cultures use different techniques to socialize their children.  There are two broad types of teaching methods--formal and informal.  Formal education is what primarily happens in a classroom.  It usually is structured, controlled, and directed primarily by adult teachers who are professional "knowers."  In contrast, informal education can occur anywhere. It involves imitation of what others do and say as well as experimentation and repetitive practice of basic skills.  This is what happens when children role-play adult interactions in their games.

Most of the crucial early socialization throughout the world is done informally under the supervision of women and girls.  Initially, mothers and their female relatives are primarily responsible for socialization.  Later, when children enter the lower school grades, they are usually under the control of women teachers.  In North America and some other industrialized nations, baby-sitters are most often teenage girls who live in the neighborhood.  In other societies, they are likely to be older sisters or grandmothers.

During the early 1950's, John and Beatrice Whitiing led an extensive field study of early socialization practices in six different societies.  They were the Gusii of Kenya, the Rajputs of India, the village of Taira on the island of Okinawa in Japan, the Tarong of the Philippines, the Mixteca Indians of central Mexico, and a New England community that was given the pseudonym Orchardtown.  All of these societies shared in common the fact that they were relatively homogeneous culturally.  Two general conclusions emerged from this study.  First, socialization practices varied markedly from society to society.  Second, the socialization practices were generally similar among people of the same society. This is not surprising since people from the same culture and community are likely to share core values and perceptions.  In addition, we generally socialize our children in much the same way that our parents socialized us.  The Whitings and their fellow researchers found that different methods were used to control children in these six societies.  For instance, the Gusii primarily used fear and physical punishment.  In contrast, the people of Taira used parental praise and the threat of withholding praise.  The Tarong mainly relied on teasing and scaring.

This cross-cultural study of socialization is provocative.  Perhaps, you are now asking yourself what methods you would use to control the behavior of your children.  Would you spank them or threaten to do so?  Would you only use praise?  Would you belittle or tease them for not behaving?  Would you try to make your children independent and self-reliant or would you discourage it in favor of continuing dependence?  At some time in our lives, most of us will be involved in raising children. Will you do it in the same way that you were raised?  Very likely you will because you were socialized that way.  Abusive parents were, in most cases, abused by their parents.  Likewise, gentle, indulgent parents were raised that way themselves.  Is there a right or wrong way to socialize children?  To a certain extent the answer depends on the frame of reference.  What is right in one culture may be wrong in another.

Even seemingly insignificant actions of parents can have major impacts on the socialization of their children. For instance, what would you do if your baby cried continuously but was not ill, hungry, or in need of a diaper change?  Would you hold your baby, rock back and forth, walk around, or sing gently until the crying stopped, even if it took hours.  The answer that you give very likely depends on your culture.  The traditional Navaho Indian response usually was to remove the baby from social contact until the crying stopped.  After making sure that the baby was not ill or in physical distress, he or she would be taken outside of the small single room house and left in a safe place until the crying stopped.  Then the baby would be brought indoors again to join the family.  Perhaps as a result, Navaho babies raised in this way are usually very quiet.  They learn early that making noise causes them to be removed from social contact.  In most North American families today, we would hold our baby in this situation until the crying stopped.  The lesson that we inadvertently may be giving is that crying results in social contact.  Is this wrong?  Not necessarily, but it is a different socialization technique.

xdjtfUID: 2615699

社会类
                                     Economist Debate
In Christian Weller's view, we have a retirement affordability problem, but the three-legged stool of public and employer pension schemes and private savings can be strengthened to address the problem. It is largely a question of the willingness to change. I would concur if the retirement debate were purely about the ways in which we might augment pension funding in the next five years. However, the fundamental issue is not pension systems, but a unique and extreme change in age structure. Incremental changes to pension systems comprise a far too narrow lens through which to view the retirement challenge we face, for three reasons.

First, retirement pension systems face severe solvency problems, which will not be overcome easily. Professor Weller asserts correctly that the concept of public retirement systems is sound, relying as it does on the government's ability to raise taxation. I dispute, however, that small changes in revenues and benefits will suffice to put pension and other age-related financing on to a sound footing. While the beneficiary universe expands vigorously in the next decades, the tax base, as measured by the size of the working-age population will shrink or grow far more slowly. Even in the United States, where the working-age group will rise by about 35m, the over-65 population will increase by about 50m. How high do we really want to tax our progeny, and what will they have to say about it?

Even though the age structure of the United States will rise more slowly than in Europe and Japan, it is noteworthy that this year's annual report of the Social Security Board of Trustees warned that program costs will exceed tax revenues by 2016 and the trust funds' assets will be exhausted by 2037, just as America's rapid ageing moves into top gear. The Economist reported just this week that the unfunded obligations to give older citizens pensions and health care are equivalent to a debt of $483,000 for every household. There are no small revenue and benefit options, especially as the legacy effects of the economic and financial crisis on public borrowing and public debt mean that most of us will face years of fiscal restraint as the deleveraging of the public sector occurs.

The financial position of employer-funded pension schemes is more immediately threatening. I doubt—and companies dispute that—the solvency of their schemes would change with improvements in the clarity of accounting, actuarial and legal requirements. The schemes are failing because of rising longevity, weak investment returns and low interest rates, and the unwillingness of companies and shareholders to write blank cheques year after year to underfunded company pension schemes. In the current environment, companies are continuing to terminate defined-benefit schemes, and are cutting back their contributions to defined-contribution schemes for hard financial, not governance reasons. In time this might change, of course, but rising longevity and the pressure to contain business costs will not.

Second, as far as individual savings are concerned, I agree completely with Professor Weller's view that they should play a strengthened role, but that, in effect, most people score low marks when it comes to financial literacy, save too little and/or manage their savings through their working lives poorly. It is indeed important for companies and the state to emphasize financial education from a young age, and to encourage a stronger savings habit that is more readily transformable into pension savings as people age into their 40s and beyond. But that still means we have to introduce flexible retirement patterns, partly because older citizens may want to work longer, and partly so that people can save for longer, and simultaneously, help to lower the financing obligations on the state.

Third, in ageing societies, pensions are only a part of the economic and financial challenge. Health care, disability benefits, the delivery of goods and services to older citizens, and old-age residential care will also stake a growing claim on private and public resources. In the United States, in particular, the age-related spending burden is not really about pensions at all, but about health care, as is evident from the current proposals for reform. In Europe and Japan, the pension burden is probably the more significant, but with health and other care costs also scheduled to rise sharply. Rather than think about pensions alone, we have to think holistically about the broad array of income and the health, social and residential care programmes that will increase significantly as our age structure continues to shift. Longer working lives could play a significant contribution.

Professor Weller states that in the United States the overall dependency ratio of the under-20s and over-64s on the working age population is the same today as it was in 1950 at roughly one worker per 0.7 dependent people (0.67 in 2010), implicitly asserting that there is no dependency problem, to date at least. However, using these age groups, each worker will be supporting 0.8 dependants by 2050—a 20% increase—and this is to treat youth and old-age dependency as identical, when empirical evidence suggests strongly that child-care costs are a fraction of old-age care costs. According to the UN, by 2050, the overall US dependency ratio of under-15s and over-65s will have risen from 50% to 63%, at which point the old-age dependency ratio will have nearly doubled, to 35%.

Strengthening the three-legged stool of retirement security, as Professor Weller says, is indeed a desirable strategy, which may work for some individuals. However, this is to overlook the structural demographic change under way in our societies, to which our response has to be structural too. That means we have to address not only retirement security and quality-of-life issues, but also the tyranny of demographic numbers, and the financing and delivery of care. We cannot assume higher productivity growth will appear out of thin air, and we have to recognize the positive aspects of the humane extension of working lives, both in human terms and from the standpoint of the economy and society.

zyp8756UID: 2594775

社会类

Israel's war in Gaza

Gaza: the rights and wrongs

Dec 30th 2008 From The Economist print edition

Israel was provoked[想起红宝书词汇unprovoked:无缘无故的], but as in Lebanon in 2006 it may find this war a hard one to end, or to justify

AP

THE scale and ferocity of the onslaught on Gaza have been shocking, and the television images of civilian suffering wrench the heart【wrench应该是谓语吧？】. But however[but and however怎么连一起了] deplorable, Israel’s resort to【resort to求助
采取】 military means to silence the rockets of Hamas should have been no surprise. This war has been a long time in the making【本质上的，没有间断，正在】.

Since Israel evacuated【gre word】 its soldiers and settlers from the Gaza Strip three years ago, Palestinian groups in Gaza have fired thousands of rudimentary【foundational fundamental】 rockets and mortar bombs【+迫击弹炮】 across the border, killing very few people but disrupting normal life in a swathe of southern Israel【killing very few people but disrupting normal life in a swathe of southern Israel这是什么成分？】. They fired almost 300 between December 19th, when Hamas ignored Egypt’s entreaties and decided not to renew a six-month truce, and December 27th, when Israel started its bombing campaign (see article). To that extent, Israel is right to say it was provoked.

It is easy to point out from afar that barely a dozen Israelis had been killed by Palestinian rockets since the Gaza withdrawal. But few governments facing an election, as Israel’s is, would let their towns be peppered【这里词怎么理解？】 every day with rockets, no matter how ineffective[?]. As Barack Obama said on a visit to one Israeli town in July, “If somebody was sending rockets into my house where my two daughters sleep at night, I’m going to do everything in my power to stop that. And I would expect Israelis to do the same thing.” In recent months, moreover, Hamas has smuggled far more lethal rockets into its Gaza enclave, some of which are now landing in Israeli cities that were previously out of range. On its border with Lebanon, Israel already faces one radical non-state actor, Hizbullah, that is formally dedicated to Israel’s destruction and has a powerful arsenal of Iranian-supplied missiles at its disposal. The Israelis are understandably reluctant to let a similar danger grow in Gaza.

And yet Israel should not be surprised by the torrent of indignation it has aroused from around the world【it 后面什么成分？】. This is not just because people seldom back the side with the F-16s. In general, a war must pass three tests to be justified. A country must first have exhausted all other means【手段】 of defending itself. The attack should be proportionate to the objective. And it must stand a reasonable chance of achieving its goal. On all three of these tests Israel is on shakier【shaky不稳固的】 ground than it cares to admit.

It is true that Israel has put up with【忍受】 the rockets from Gaza for a long time【true结合的强调句】. But it may have been able to stop the rockets another way. For it is not quite true that Israel’s only demand in respect of【涉及
关于】 Gaza has been for quiet along the border. Israel has also been trying to undermine Hamas by clamping an economic blockade on Gaza, while boosting the economy of the West Bank, where the Palestinians’ more pliant secular movement, Fatah, holds sway. Even during the now-lapsed truce, Israel prevented all but a trickle【Gw 滴
溪流】 of humanitarian aid from entering the strip. So although Israel was provoked, Hamas can claim that it was provoked too. If Israel had ended the blockade, Hamas may have renewed the truce. Indeed, on one reading of its motives, Hamas resumed fire to force Israel into a new truce on terms【get on terms搞好关系 on terms 友好
平等地位
按条件 on terms of关于】 that would include opening the border.

On proportionality, the numbers speak for themselves—up to a point. After the first three days, some 350 Palestinians had been killed and only four Israelis. Neither common sense nor the laws of war require Israel to deviate from the usual rule, which is to kill as many enemies as you can and avoid casualties on your own side【neither and nor形式推荐~】. Hamas was foolish to pick this uneven fight. But of the Palestinian dead, several score were civilians, and many others were policemen rather than combatants. Although both Western armies and their foes have killed far more【多得多的】 civilians in Afghanistan and Iraq, Israel’s interest should be to minimise the killing. The Palestinians it is bombing today will be its neighbours for ever[这句什么结构？].

This last point speaks to the test of effectiveness. Israel said at first that, much as it would like to topple Hamas, its present operation has the more limited aim of “changing reality” so that Hamas stops firing across the border. But as Israel learnt in Lebanon in 2006, this is far from easy【远没有那么简单 this is far more warranted to prove the state用在argument中不错】. As with Hizbullah, Hamas’s “resistance” to Israel has made it popular and delivered it to power. It is most unlikely to bend the knee【3屈膝】. Like Hizbullah, it will probably prefer to keep on firing no matter how hard it is hit【重拾no matter】, daring Israel to send its ground forces into a messy street fight in Gaza’s congested cities and refugee camps.【后逗号这句话是什么机构？】

Now cease fire

Can Israel have forgotten the lesson of Lebanon so soon? Hardly. If anything, its campaign against Hamas now is intended to compensate for its relative failure against Hizbullah then. With Iran’s nuclear threat on the horizon【on the horizon?】, and Iranian influence growing in both Lebanon and Gaza, Israel is keen[?] to remind its enemies that the Jewish state can still fight and still win[双still]. Precisely for that reason, despite its talk of a long campaign, it may be more receptive than it is letting on to an immediate ceasefire. Its aircraft have already pummelled almost every target in Gaza. Further military gains will be harder. A truce now, if Hamas really did stop its fire【did强调】, could be presented to voters as the successful rehabilitation of Israeli deterrence.

But a ceasefire needs a mediator. Mr Obama is not yet president, and George Bush has so far hung back【迄今为止很犹豫】, just as he did in 2006 while waiting for an Israeli knockout blow【击倒对方的一圈】 that did not come. This time, he and everyone else with influence should pile in at once【要想起来用啊】. To bring Hamas on board, a ceasefire would need to include an end to Israel’s blockade, but that would be a good thing in itself, relieving the suffering in Gaza and removing one of the reasons Hamas gives for fighting.

After that, Mr Obama will have to gather up what is left of diplomacy in the Middle East. It is not all hopeless. Until this week, Mahmoud Abbas, the Palestinian president, was talking to Israel about how to create a Palestinian state in the West Bank and Gaza. But Mr Abbas presides over the West Bank only, and little progress is possible so long as half of Palestine’s people support an organisation that can still not bring itself to renounce[GW] armed struggle or recognise Israel’s right to exist. Since Hamas is not going to disappear, some way must be found to change its mind. Bombs alone will never do that.

sha-shineUID: 2610662

社会类

Kenya
（肯尼亚）

A very African coup

Jan 3rd 2008
From The Economist print edition

Kenya's president（“总统”记过N遍还记不住的词） steals an election, （“steal”用的很生动）showing utter contempt for democracy and his people（主题句：肯尼亚总统的…选举，展现出完全忽视民族和他们的国民 ）

THE mayhem（故意伤害罪） that killed hundreds of people following（为何用follow?） Kenya's election on December 27th completes a depressing cycle of democratic abuses （G词汇）in Africa's biggest countries. Nigeria（尼日利亚） held its own mockery of an election last April. Scores were killed（这里kill作何解释呢？） and observers pronounced it the most fraudulent（adj.欺骗的不诚实的 G词汇） poll they had ever witnessed. Congo（刚果） held a more or less peaceful election in October 2006, since when the main opposition leader has been hounded into exile. And the year before that, flawed（G） elections in Ethiopia（埃塞俄比亚） resulted in the deaths of 199 protesters. Needless to say（~好词~改学一下“不用说”）, the incumbents all won.

So it is easy to be（自己写作中也应该常加些像“easy to be”的词） angry, as well as gloomy（”as well as…” 作为令人…）, about African leaders' continual betrayal of the democratic values they say they hold so dear. And all the more so（and all the more so 更加如此
尤其这样
） in the case of（这个也是应该学会的小短语） Kenya, which has a strong tradition of holding elections, a vibrant（G） political culture, a relatively free press and a sophisticated economy. Given all these advantages, as we wrote before the election, Kenya had an opportunity to “set an example” to Africa and hold free and fair elections. But the country blew it.

Or, more precisely, the political elite blew it. A small cabal（G） of politicians almost certainly stole the result by fraud (see article). In the parliamentary vote, President Mwai Kibaki's ruling party was routed. Yet in the presidential vote Mr Kibaki emerged victorious at the last moment and had himself sworn in only a few minutes later, forestalling pleas from all sides—even from the head of the election commission he himself had appointed—for a pause to investigate mounting claims of malpractice. The report of the European observers was unusually strong in its condemnation of the count.

As in Nigeria, Kenyans queued quietly to exercise their right to vote, reflecting the enormous appetite（emormous appetite） for democracy that exists on a continent that was until recently dominated by dictators and “big men”. But for democracy to survive, it is not enough to hold elections. Politicians must accept that they may have to give up office, and thus all the opportunities for self-enrichment that come their way. It is no coincidence that the most corrupt politicians are also those who cling most desperately to power—as in Kenya and Nigeria.

In stealing the election, Mr Kibaki has also invited a dangerous backlash against his Kikuyu tribe, the country's largest. Tense tribal divisions have long threatened to widen as the minority groups, including opposition leader Raila Odinga's Luo, have come to feel marginalised by the concentration of power in Kikuyu hands. If the current violence does evolve into something worse, perhaps even civil war, Mr Kibaki and his henchmen will bear much of the blame.

No time to be nice

Initially, America, which sees Kenya as a front-line ally in a war against Islamist militias in neighbouring Somalia, made the mistake of endorsing the president's re-election. Now Britain, America and the African Union are urging Mr Odinga and Mr Kibaki to talk in an effort to stop the bloodletting. That lets Mr Kibaki off the hook far too easily. All the violence should certainly be condemned, but most of the diplomatic pressure should be exerted on Mr Kibaki's supposed new government to annul the results and organise a recount—or a new vote.

If Mr Kibaki will not do this, the rest of the world should suspend direct aid to his regime and impose a travel ban on his officials. That is the least the wretched people of Kenya have a right to expect from their friends abroad.

银落UID: 2632560

America's Supreme Court
法律类
Justice not for all
May 26th 2009 | WASHINGTON, DC
From Economist.com

Barack Obama's first pick for the Supreme Court infuriates conservatives  

EPA
EVEN before the announcement of Barack Obama’s choice for the vacant seat on the Supreme Court on Tuesday May 26th attack ads were up and clickable. Sonia Sotomayor, an appeals-court judge from New York, “didn’t give a fair shake in court to firefighters deprived [of] promotion on account of [their] race,” claimed an ad by the Judicial Confirmation Network, a conservative group. “Every American understands the sacrifices firefighters make, but in Sotomayor’s court, the content of your character is not as important as the colour of your skin.”

The ad refers to Ricci v DeStefano, a case involving firefighters in New Haven, Connecticut. The city told firefighters who wanted to be promoted that they had to take a test. But when no black firefighters passed, the city ignored the results and promoted no one. Several white firefighters sued for racial discrimination. Ms Sotomayor ruled against them. The case is now before the Supreme Court, which is expected to overturn Ms Sotomayor’s original decision.

The impending argument about Ms Sotomayor will be riven with this sort of identity politics. Mr Obama’s feminist supporters have been urging him to pick a woman to replace David Souter, a Supreme Court justice who recently announced his retirement. They are unhappy that only one of the incumbents is female. Many Hispanics, meanwhile, are keen to see one of their own on the country’s highest court. Ms Sotomayor ticks both boxes.

Although Mr Obama was at pains to stress her intellect, her long experience on the bench and her respect for the constitution, he made it clear that her background matters a lot to him. Her parents came from Puerto Rico and she rose from humble circumstances to graduate with academic distinction学术荣誉 from Princeton. And she appears to believe that her sex and ethnicity will make her a better judge. She once said she hoped that “a wise Latina woman with the richness of her experiences would more often than not reach a better conclusion than a white male who hasn’t lived that life.”

Conservatives argue that race and sex should be irrelevant when promoting judges—or firefighters. They contend that elected politicians should write laws and judges should apply them, or throw them out if they violate the constitution. They worry that Ms Sotomayor takes a more expansive view of judicial authority: she once said that appeals-court judges make policy.

Yet for all the heat Ms Sotomayor’s nomination is generating, she will almost certainly be confirmed by the Senate. Democrats have an ample majority—at least 59 seats out of 100. And Republicans are traditionally softer on the other party’s judicial nominees than are Democrats. Bill Clinton’s two nominees were confirmed by 96 votes to 3 and 87 to 9 respectively. Some Republicans say their party should copy the tactics of the Democrats who launched aggressive and personal attacks on conservative nominees such as Sam Alito, Clarence Thomas and Robert Bork. Cooler heads retort that this would backfire造成相反的结果: Ms Sotomayor will be confirmed anyway and yet more Hispanic and female voters will desert the Republican Party.

Some observers think Ms Sotomayor will make little difference to the Court, since she is a liberal replacing another liberal. Not so. At 54, she is 15 years younger than Mr Souter, and Supreme Court appointments are for life. And Mr Souter was no stereotypical liberal自由主义者. He tended to side with the court’s liberals on social issues such as abortion. But he took a conservative view of frivolous lawsuits against corporations and excessive punitive damages过多的惩罚性的毁坏.

How Ms Sotomayor will shape the court is hard to discern. In cases of alleged discrimination because of race, sex or age, she has usually sided with the plaintiffs. But she once ruled that the right to free speech barred New York City from firing an office worker for posting a racist letter. And on one occasion she ruled against an abortion-rights group. Her decisions as an appeals-court judge will be examined minutely in the coming weeks. But up until now, she has been obliged to defer to precedents set by the Supreme Court. Once on the Supreme Court, she will be free to rule as she pleases, for two, three or even four decades to come.

用于法律的

qtangtangsUID: 2630008

经济类(?) 与政府是否应该宏观调控有关 也可属于政治类   中间插了一段教育类的例子 是政府与教育的关系～

从debates里面捞了一段算比较有价值的..

It is interesting that regulation should be brought down in the first analysis to risk management. The notion that the risk is to the consumer and that somehow risk management softwares protect the many against the corruption of the few is, one would have to agree, spurious.

But this is not because the idea of protecting consumers is wrong. It is the way in which the architecture for introducing such systems was intrinsically flawed, (此段论点)predicated as it was on the idea that the companies themselves would introduce the systems and that the regulation should be the ubiquitous light touch. This, in essence, was risk management for the benefit of the companies, allowing those involved to argue that they were meeting some kind of governmental imperative(必须完成的事) for transparency while, as the example of Countrywide Financial Corporation illustrates, the real issue is a real crisis in capital, what might indeed be termed the new risks that arise when debt replaces equity, an emergence grounded in many cases (for example, Northern Rock in the UK) on an acute lack of proper sustained regulation.

It is also true that the speed of change and the technological ecology created by so-called(所谓的) convergence has instigated such profound change in the way markets operate that the traditional and accepted notions of regulation are no longer applicable. As W.B.Yeats might have it, the centre can no longer hold, and the organisational principles of the market are now so fractured(断裂的) that completely new systems of regulation are needed. The fact that this is happening in the middle of the largest economic crisis since the introduction of post-Fordist ideas underlines, not lessens, the need for sophisticated forms of regulation.

说实话我没看懂上面两段段与段之间到底是怎么样的一个联系…

It is also significant that regulation should in some way be seen to stifle innovation. Innovation has become the Holy Grail for companies and governments, the panacea(万灵药) which will lead us across the Red Sea of crisis into some kind of market-led promised land(乐土).

此段是个小让步段，为下文作铺垫

Ironically, innovation is linked to a fundamental shift in the relationship between populations and economies and is central to the new wave of practices sometimes referred to as the creative industries. The fundamental shift is that traditional notions of economic theory are based on the belief that commodities(这个词比goods高了n个级别..) are scarce and that their scarcity allows for the manipulation of the market. Unfortunately for many companies, the opposite is true in the contemporary business environment. The market is awash with commodities (and producers), particularly in the area of new technologies. Hence the traditional models no longer function.

What this has led us to is a position where the market is increasingly being forced to move away(改变) from the supply of product to the supply of services. This new economy, which is indeed associated with concepts such as innovation, risk-taking, new business and start-ups, intangible assets and the creative application of new technologies,(1) needs forms of organisation and regulation which resonate(共鸣) with the flexibility of the new systems. Jeremy Rifkin shows that when markets give way to networks, which is what is being referred to here, and consumers move from the ownership of goods to the accessing of services then 'more and more our daily lives are already mediated by the new digital channels of human experience' [my emphasis].(2)

These new practices also demand new regulatory protection for workers, a term which interestingly has become somehow unfashionable. In their analysis of working practices in the new economy Brett Neilson and Ned Rossiter have described the perfect image of the precarity of labour: "With the transformation of labour practices in advanced capitalist(资本主义的) systems under the impact of globalisation and information technologies, there has arisen a proliferation of terms to describe the commonly experienced yet largely undocumented transformations within working life. Creative labour, network labour, cognitive labour, service labour, affective labour, linguistic labour, immaterial labour; these categories often substitute for each other, but in their very multiplication they point to diverse qualities of experience that are not simply reducible to each other."(3) This variety of experience demands that governments regulate to ensure that the free market cannot exploit this very precarity.

It is also the case that this new economy needs differently equipped workers, and this will only be achieved if governments are prepared to intervene in related public spheres such as education. Ken Robinson shows how the new economy can only be delivered if there is a move away from traditional forms of teaching which give primacy to economics, mathematics and sciences to create a balanced education system "We need an education that values different modes of intelligence and sees relationships between disciplines. To achieve this, there must be a different balance of priorities between the arts, sciences and humanities in education and in the forms of thinking they produce.(非常好的一段教育类例子阿～)"(4) It goes without saying that the only way this shift can be effected successfully is through sophisticated and thorough governmental regulation and the intervention by leading political figures to create a discourse of innovation and creativity, as the UK government has done through its creative industries policy.

又一轮的新论点，政府的regulation对创新以及对工人们的保护，侧面攻击了一下Mr. Berlau 的evidence，不过主要还是展开新的论述。这就说明，如果找不到逻辑错误就搬出例子来砸死他

The thrust of the argument, then, is that the contemporary economy, operating in a world of work dominated by new technologies and cyber-commerce cannot be advanced through tinkering with disparate elements of regulation. The system needs to be completely rethought and delivered in the context of a set of regulatory policies which allow for the taking of risk, innovation and flexibility, but always in a safe environment for consumers and workers. And it would be naive to imagine that companies would deliver this environment without constant and active governmental regulation and intervention.
这段的写法可以借鉴到argument的最后一段，不过好像有点太犀利了

terraliUID: 2599465

社会类，讲竞争
不知道这个行不行，不是一篇文章，是我看WIKI，和别的什么总结的


好的竞争和不好的竞争：
Destructive competition seeks to benefit an individual by damaging and eliminating competing individuals; it opposes the desire for mutual survival. It is “winner takes all”,  the success of one group is dependent on the failure of the other competing groups. Destructive competition tends to promote fear, a "strike-first" mentality and embraces certain forms of trespass.

生物学上的竞争
Competition can cause injury to the organisms involved, and drain valuable resources and energy. 1 Human competition can be expensive, as is the case with political elections, international sports competitions, advertising wars and arms races. 2 It can lead to the compromising of ethical standards in order to gain an advantage: for example, several athletes have been caught using banned steroids in professional sports in order to boost their own chances of success. 3 It can also be harmful for the participants, such as arms race, it can possibly lead to mutually assured destruction.

经济上的竞争
For stimulating economic growth，Market also introduce competition by deliberately created areas of overlap between divisions of the company so that each division would be competing with the others. The company was organized around different brands, and each brand allocated resources, including a dedicated group of employees willing to champion the brand. Each brand manager was given responsibility for the success or failure of the brand, and compensated accordingly. This intra-brand competition may causes commercial firms to develop new products, services and technologies, which would give consumers greater selection and better products. Most businesses also encourage competition between individual employees. It is may cause more efficiency and higher quality.  

教育中的竞争
Competition is a major factor in education. National education systems intending to bring out the best in the next generation, encourage competitiveness among students through scholarships. Students tend to compare their grades to see who is better and have to participate  various extracurricular activities so as not to behind the other. The pressure is so high that it  result in stigmatization of intellectually deficient students, or even suicide as a consequence of failing the exams. Competition actually has a net negative influence on students, and that it "turns all of us into losers"

竞争对物种的好处和坏处，重要性
Many evolutionary biologists view inter-species and intra-species competition as the driving force of adaptation. the competition for resources such as food, water, territory, and sunlight results in dominance of the variation of the species best suited for survival.  Species must either adapt or die out. According to evolutionary theory, this competition within and between species for resources plays a critical role in natural selection. It may give incentives for self-improvement. For example, If birds compete for a limited water supply during a drought, the more suited birds will survive to reproduce and improve the population.

银落UID: 2632560

恩。。。这周做个debate。。。虽然可能因为考试会做不完。。。但是一定保证作业里的至少三篇文章。。。我看了下光是background就有四篇似乎。。。好吧。。。不行下周再做motion的

About this debateUnemployment, repossession and a falling stock market. There is nothing like a recession to keep people awake at night. Add economic anxiety to the normal stress of work and family, and you would think that the world must be full of insomniacs. Are we getting enough sleep, and how much sleep is enough? In these troubled times, should people be sleeping less, so they can accomplish more?

Repossession 重新获得
Insomniac 失眠症患者

BackgroundSleep

Restless
Sep 18th 2008
From The Economist print edition

A strange case raises the question of what sleep is for


THE function of sleep, according to one school of thought, is to consolidate memory. Yet two Italians have no problems with their memory even though they never sleep. The woman and man, both in their 50s, are in the early stages of a neurodegenerative disease called multiple system atrophy. Their cases raise questions about the purpose of sleep.

Healthy people rotate between three states of vigilance: wakefulness, rapid eye-movement (REM) sleep and non-REM sleep. But all three are mixed together in the Italian patients. The pair were initially diagnosed by Roberto Vetrugno of the University of Bologna and his colleagues as suffering from REM behavioural disorder, in which the paralysis, or cataplexy, that normally prevents sleeping people from acting out their dreams is lost. This can cause people in REM sleep to twitch and groan, sometimes flailing about and injuring their bedmates. These patients, however, soon progressed from this state to an even odder one, according to a report in Sleep Medicine.

One of the principal ways to measure sleep is to monitor brainwave activity, which can be done by placing electrodes on the scalp in a technique known as electroencephalography (EEG). Non-REM sleep itself is divided into four stages defined purely by EEG patterns; the first two are collectively described as light sleep and the last two as deep or slow-wave sleep. When the Italian patients appeared to be asleep, their EEGs suggested that their brains were either simultaneously awake, in REM sleep and non-REM sleep, or switching rapidly between the three. Yet when subjected to a battery of neuropsychological tests, they showed no intellectual decline.

Mark Mahowald of the University of Minnesota Medical School, whose group first described REM behavioural disorder in 1986, thinks memory consolidation is still going on in the brains of the two Italian patients; hence their lack of cognitive impairment or dementia. What needs to be revised in light of their cases, he says, is the definition of sleep.
-----创新 质疑权威
Dr Mahowald suspects that sleep can occur in the absence of the markers that currently define it, which means those markers are insufficient. What’s more, the Italian cases lend support to an idea that has been gathering steam in recent years: that wakefulness and sleep are not mutually exclusive. In other words, the human brain can be awake and asleep at the same time.

That evidence takes the form of a growing list of conditions in which wakefulness, REM and non-REM sleep appear to be mixed. An example is narcolepsy, in which emotionally laden events trigger sudden cataplexy. When the dreaming element of REM intrudes into wakefulness, which can happen with sleep-deprivation, the result is wakeful dreaming or hallucinations. Since such dreams can be highly compelling, Dr Mahowald thinks they might account for some reports of alien abduction.

But there is another possible explanation of the Italian puzzle: that sleep is not necessary for memory after all. Jerry Siegel of the University of California, Los Angeles, has studied the sleep habits of many animals and thinks that could well be the explanation. All of which gives researchers something new to keep them awake at night.

Consolidate 强化
Atrophy 萎缩
Vigilance 失眠症
Behavioural 行为的
Parlaysis 麻痹 中风
Cataplexy 昏倒
Twitch 抽搐
Flail 打
Dementia 痴呆
Compelling 强迫的 激发兴趣的
Abduction 诱拐
大前提正确小前提有问题的三段论式

wildrose800331UID: 2602131

政府类
政治类

公众知情
私权与公权等

红色为生词 蓝色为好词好句

Australia and anti-Indian violence

Regrettable facts

Jun 18th 2009 | SYDNEY
From The Economist print edition

Thuggery（暗杀，谋财害命） mars（毁损，损害，糟践） a burgeoning（萌芽） friendship

BELYING（belie掩饰，与。。。不符） its name, Harris Park is neither leafy nor green. It is a gritty（有沙粒的） western Sydney suburb, where Indian students have recently taken to the streets in protest against some of the worst ethnic-based attacks Australia has seen. As young Indian men gather by the local railway station, police converge（assemble， meet） further down the street and arrest two non-Indians. Asked about the wave of violence against their community, two Indians lower their voices. “Lebanese,” says one. Others wonder if the answer may be more complicated.

The violence sprang to public notice when two Indian men were attacked with screwdrivers in Melbourne last month. One was robbed. Both ended up in hospital. A demonstration of about 2,000 Indian students in Melbourne called for stronger police action. They claimed the attacks fitted into a wider pattern of violence over the past year against Indians in Australia. The Melbourne attacks came as a firebomb was hurled（投掷） in Harris Park through the window of a house where young Indians lived. One suffered bad burns. On June 8th two more Indians were attacked near a Harris Park restaurant, where Indian community leaders had gathered, prompting two successive nights of demonstrations in the suburb. The Indian press accused Australia of racism. Amitabh Bachchan, a Bollywood superstar, refused an honorary doctorate（博士学位） from a university in Brisbane.

Over the past 40 years Australia has received waves of immigrants from Vietnam, Lebanon and other parts of Asia and the Middle East. Most have settled peaceably. Indians are the latest to arrive. In the decade to 2006 the number of Australian residents born in India almost doubled. India was the third-fastest-growing source of immigrants, after New Zealand and China. Background information

There has also been a big increase in students coming from India, especially in courses for skills where qualifications offer a fast track to permanent residency. Since 2006 Indian enrolments in such “vocational” courses jumped by 161%, reaching 52,000 last year. Many Indian students have fanned out from inner-city student quarters to private colleges in the suburbs, and to places like Harris Park where rents are cheaper, and crime rates higher. In recent years Indians have displaced Lebanese as the suburb’s biggest ethnic group.

Initially, police said the motive for the glut大量 of attacks on Indians was robbery: students going home from night jobs carrying money and mobile phones were “soft” targets. Later, they conceded that some attacks were race-based. Many Indian students privately blame Lebanese youths, who may well be jobless gang-members. But at Billu’s Indian Eatery and Sweet House, a Harris Park gathering point, Aruna Chandrala, an Indian community leader, carefully avoids censure. “It’s a law-and-order issue,” she says. “The students are saying ‘Enough is enough’.”

It has also become a diplomatic embarrassment for Australia, at a time when it has been seeking to boost relations with India to what Stephen Smith, Australia’s foreign minister, calls “the front rank of our international partnerships”. Kumari Selja, India’s tourism minister, has cancelled a planned visit to Australia in July. And Manmohan Singh, the prime minister, has said he is “appalled” at the violence, calling some of it racially motivated.

Kevin Rudd, his Australian counterpart, dismissed race as a motive, and called the violence “just a regrettable fact of urban life”. About 20 Australians, he pointed out, had been assaulted or murdered in India over the past decade. That is a good debating point: but not one that will help persuade Indian parents that Australia is a safe place to send their children. 让步转折
显得客观公正
没有夸大其词

wildrose800331UID: 2602131

经济类 特别是目前经济萧条环境下的一些非政府组织的反应和对策  
蓝色绿色为好词好句  红色为个人生词 尽量都用英文解释
18:21 GMT +00:00
London-New York on a business-class flight
Posted by:
Economist.com | LONDON
Categories:
British Airways
Executive airlines
JFK
London City airport
TRANSATLANTIC flyers have a new option. From today they can book tickets on British Airways' business-class only flights between London City airport and New York JFK, for journeys starting from September 29th. BA will use Airbus A318s for the service, as they are the largest planes able to take off from City airport’s baby runway. They will be fitted with just 32 lie-flat seats.
City airport is much closer to London's financial districts than Heathrow, and its small size means passengers can check in 15 minutes before departure time. On the westward route the planes will have to refuel in Ireland, where passengers will be able to pre-clear US immigration to ensure a quick departure from JFK. The eastward trip is non-stop.
The convenience and the pampering(= indulgence, spoiling, 过度关怀照料) do not come cheap, though. The lowest fares will be just shy of（拟人么？） £2,000, but during the week will rise towards £5,000. The flights are more expensive than conventional business-class tickets on regular flights from Heathrow: £900 more, for example, on a midweek trip in January.
In some ways the service is a throwback to the pre-recession era, when the likes of Eos, MAXjet and Silverjet wowed the world (albeit temporarily) with their business-class-only flights. Willie Walsh, the head of BA, is pinning his hopes on the idea that the time is now right for a London-New York business-class service. "In the harshest trading environment airlines have experienced," he said, "we believe it is more important than ever to embrace the future and innovate." It will be interesting to see whether BA has got its timing right.

wildrose800331UID: 2602131

政府领袖类；
外交类
Public images of leaders

蓝色绿色为好词好句
红色为个人生词
尽量都用英文解释

23:11 GMT +00:00

Tired of getting bullied by the cool kid

Posted by:

Economist.com | NEW YORK

Categories:

Media

TESTY( = irritated, impatient ) press conference today, perhaps the most peppery( =angry, outraged) we've seen Barack Obama. When asked whether John McCain had prompted (= encouraged, advised) him to use tougher language on Iran: "What do you think?" Why he wouldn't spell out consequences to Iran: "I know everybody here is on a 24-hour news cycle. I'm not." Whether he had quit smoking, as he signed legislation on children and tobacco: "You just think it's neat to ask me about my smoking, as opposed to it being relevant to my new law. But that's fine, I understand... it's an interesting human interest story."

I'm not quite ready to
buy（= believe）that the press is turning against the president. The quotes read worse than they look live (video here). Mr Obama has a way of delivering these lines with a genuinely relaxed-looking grin, even though they're awkward and unsatisfying answers in some cases. When the cameras swing round to the reporters as Mr Obama retorts（= refutes）, however, the hacks （=？） look like they're in pain. I'm not sure Mr Obama can continue to crack wise when he gets tough questions; reporters will eventually feel like they're being bullied by the cool kid. If they discover safety in numbers and press their tough questions when he replies with a joke (as they did at times today), it's going to get a whole lot tenser in that briefing（简短记者招待会的意思么？简报会。） room.

wildrose800331UID: 2602131

WASHINGTON — President Obama hardened his tone toward Iran on Tuesday, condemning the government for its crackdown against election protesters and accusing Iran’s leaders of fabricating（捏造） charges against the United States.

Skip to next paragraph

Social Upheaval（动乱） in Iran

What forces have been unleashed（动用） in the aftermath（consequence） of the mass protests?

In his strongest comments since the crisis erupted(= broke out, spouted) 10 days ago, Mr. Obama used unambiguous language to assail(= assault, attack)the Iranian government during a news conference at the White House, calling himself “appalled and outraged by the threats, beatings and imprisonments of the past few days.”

He praised what he called the courage and dignity of the demonstrators, especially the women who have been marching, and said that he had watched the “heartbreaking” video of a 26-year-old Iranian woman whose last seconds of life were captured by video camera after she was shot on a Tehran street.

“While this loss is raw (= bitter) and extraordinarily painful,” he said, “we also know this: Those who stand up for justice are always on the right side of history.”

Yet beyond muscular (= forceful) words, Mr. Obama has limited tools for bringing pressure to bear on the Iranian government, which for years has been brushing off( = abandon) international calls for it to curb(= control, restrain) its nuclear program.

After the news conference, administration officials said there was little they could do to influence the outcome of the confrontation between the government and the protesters. And more so now than even a few days ago, they said, the prospects for any dialogue with Iran over its nuclear program appear all but dead for the immediate future, though they held out hope that Iran, assuming it has a stable government, could respond to Mr. Obama’s overtures (= proposal) later in the year.

At home, Mr. Obama has been under intense pressure, especially from conservatives, to align (= modify, allay, cooperate) the United States more forcefully with the protesters. On Tuesday, he dismissed(= brush aside) suggestions that he had changed his tone toward Iran in response to critical comments from Senator John McCain of Arizona and other Republicans.

In sometimes testy exchanges with reporters at the news conference, Mr. Obama defended himself, contending that even the moderate tone he had struck previously had been twisted= (distorted, disguised, altered) by Iran’s government to suggest that the protests had been engineered by the United States.

“They’ve got some of the comments that I’ve made being mistranslated in Iran, suggesting that I’m telling rioters to go out and riot some more,” Mr. Obama said, referring to accounts that the White House said surfaced late last week and over the weekend. “There are reports suggesting that the C.I.A. is behind all this. All of which is patently (= clearly) false. But it gives you a sense of the narrative that the Iranian government would love to play into.”

But after the crackdown over the weekend that left an untold number of protesters dead — and after the wide dissemination of the video of the last moments of Neda Agha-Soltan, the Iranian woman who appeared to lock eyes with the camera as she died after being shot — White House officials decided that Mr. Obama had to take a tougher stand.

“The situation looked very different on Saturday than it did when he first spoke in the Oval Office a week ago,” one of Mr. Obama’s media advisers said.

“It was the bloodshed” that led to the change in tone, he said.

While Mr. Obama did not rule out the possibility of engaging with Iran over the nuclear issue, administration officials and European diplomats say that the door to talks has all but closed, at least for now.

“I think that under these circumstances, no one is going to be able to pursue anything because there is nothing to pursue,” said Trita Parsi, the president of the National Iranian American Council, who has been consulting with White House officials “on a daily basis,” he said, about the unfolding situation in Iran.

Mr. Parsi said that all past assumptions about where Iran was headed had been cast aside by the disputed election results and the response of the protesters.

Administration officials acknowledged that after reading reams of intelligence reports, watching videos of the street demonstrations and absorbing the trickle of intelligence from Iran, they were unable to predict how the protests might turn out.

During the news conference, Mr. Obama maintained that he had been consistent in his tone toward Iran all along. “As soon as violence broke out — in fact, in anticipation of potential violence — we were very clear in saying that violence was unacceptable, that that was not how governments operate with respect to their people,” Mr. Obama said.

But the language Mr. Obama used on Tuesday was more forceful and less ambiguous than his previous statements. In an interview with CNBC and The New York Times last week, he said that as far as America’s national interests were concerned, there was not much difference between Iran’s president, Mahmoud Ahmadinejad, and his challenger, Mir Hussein Moussavi.

In his first public comment on the situation on June 15, Mr. Obama said he was troubled by the post election violence and called on Iran’s leaders to respect free speech and the democratic process. The next day, on June 16, he said he had “deep concerns” about the elections but also said that it would be counterproductive for the United States “to be seen as meddling.”

In the internal discussions at the White House about how to handle Iran, Mr. Obama’s aides are clearly struggling with how to reconcile two different goals: supporting a nascent (初期的，发生中的，新生的), unpredicted movement in the streets that could weaken the country’s top clerics, and following the diplomatic mixture of pressure and diplomacy that Mr. Obama settled on months ago as a strategy to halt（=stop） Iran’s nuclear work.

The protests, administration officials said, create the first possibility in 30 years that the mullahs’ grip(= leaders’ control) on Iran might be loosened. Even if the street protests are put down, one official said, “a fissure (= crack, split) has opened up that cannot be completely closed.”

Clearly those events took the administration by surprise: none of the possibilities for the election that were laid out for Mr. Obama a month ago, one official said, included the possibility of a violently disputed election.

Yet in the long run, Mr. Obama’s aides say, they are not certain that the protests will change the fundamental calculus about the risks Iran poses to its neighbors or the United States. One of Mr. Obama’s strategists noted that “one has to be concerned that while all this is happening the centrifuges (离心) are still spinning（旋转）,” a reference to the machines used to enrich uranium.

flearUID: 2533174

• 政治类---政治腐败等 很适用于70"In any profession—business, politics, education, government—those in power should step down after five years. The surest path to success for any enterprise is revitalization through new leadership."
• Political corruption, the dysfunction of a political system or institution in which government officials, political officials or employees seek illegitimate personal gain through actions such as bribery, extortion, cronyism, nepotism, patronage, graft, and embezzlement. （几种贪污手段）
  • Political corruption is a specific form of rent seeking (not to be confused with property rental), where access to politics is restricted by limited transparency, limited competition and domination of narrow interests.
  • Political corruption tends to be more extensive in developing countries, where safeguards such as a well-paid, merit-based civil service, investigative journalism, and other accountability mechanisms aren't well developed.
• Corporate corruption, the abuse of power by corporate managers against shareholders or consumers.

Examples: 典型例子
The classic case of a corrupt, exploitive dictator often given is the regime of Marshal Mobutu Sese Seko, who ruled the Democratic Republic of the Congo (which he renamed Zaire) from 1965 to 1997. It is said that usage of the term kleptocracy gained popularity largely in response to a need to accurately describe Mobutu's regime. Another classic case is Nigeria, especially under the rule of General Sani Abacha who was de facto president of Nigeria from 1993 until his death in 1998. He is reputed to have stolen some US$3-4 billion. He and his relatives are often mentioned in Nigerian 419 letter scams claiming to offer vast fortunes for "help" in laundering his stolen "fortunes", which in reality turn out not to exist.[20] More than $400 billion was stolen from the treasury by Nigeria's leaders between 1960 and 1999.[21]
More recently, articles in various financial periodicals, most notably Forbes magazine, have pointed to Fidel Castro, General Secretary of the Republic of Cuba since 1959, of likely being the beneficiary of up to $900 million, based on "his control" of state-owned companies.[22] Opponents of his regime claim that he has used money amassed through weapons sales, narcotics, international loans and confiscation of private property to enrich himself and his political cronies who hold his dictatorship together, and that the $900 million published by Forbes is merely a portion of his assets, although that needs to be proven.[23]
Top 25 financially corrupt U.S. politicians (worst first): William Marcy Tweed; Rod Blagojevich Illinois gov; Charles R. Forbes, Harding's choice for Veteran's Bureau; Vice-President Schuyler Colfax; California Congressman Randall Harold Cunningham; Florida Congressman Richard Kelly; Spiro Agnew, Nixon's vice president; Albert Fall, Secretary of the Interior for Harding; Simon Cameron, President Lincoln's first Secretary of War; Kentucky Congressman Andrew Jackson May; Congressman J. Parnell Thomas; House Speaker Jim Wright; Illinois Governor Otto Kerner; Dusty Foggo; William Belknap, Secretary of War; Orville Babcock, secretary to President Grant; mayor of New York Jimmy Walker; Ohio Congressman James Traficant; President Richard Nixon; Illinois Dan Rostenkowski; Chairman of the House Administration Committee, Wayne Hays; Governor George Ryan; Senator Ted Stevens of Alaska; and Arkansas Congressman Tommy Robinson. [3]

Corporate crime

In criminology, corporate crime refers to crimes committed either by a corporation (i.e., a business entity having a separate legal personality from the natural persons that manage its activities), or by individuals that may be identified with a corporation or other business entity (see vicarious liability and corporate liability).

Corporate crime overlaps with:

• white-collar crime, because the majority of individuals who may act as or represent the interests of the corporation are employees or professionals of a higher social class;
• organized crime, because criminals can set up corporations either for the purposes of crime or as vehicles for laundering the proceeds of crime. Organized crime has become a branch of big business and is simply the illegal sector of capital. It has been estimated that, by the middle of the 1990s, the "gross criminal product" of organized crime made it the twentieth richest organization in the world -- richer than 150 sovereign states (Castells 1998: 169). The world’s gross criminal product has been estimated at 20 percent of world trade. (de Brie 2000); and
• state-corporate crime because, in many contexts, the opportunity to commit crime emerges from the relationship between the corporation and the state.

flearUID: 2533174

文化类: 讲endangered languages的 是我写第一篇同主题时找的材料，也没做什么标注，因为全篇都很切合那篇issue的主题。 13"Many of the world's lesser-known languages are being lost as fewer and fewer people speak them. The governments of countries in which these languages are spoken should act to prevent such languages from becoming extinct."

As "globalization" increases, so does the loss of human languages. People find it easier to conduct business and communicate with those outside their own culture if they speak more widely used languages like Chinese, Hindi, English, Spanish or Russian. Children are not being educated in languages spoken by a limited number of people. As fewer people use local languages, they gradually die out. Globalization and other factors speed language loss. Globalization is endangering languages, as people prefer to conduct business and communicate in widely used tongues like English, Chinese and Hindi. Public education, the Internet and print and television media also speed the rate of language loss. Credit: Nicolle Rager Fuller, National Science Foundation Why It Matters At least 3,000 of the world’s 6,000-7,000 languages (about 50 percent) are about to be lost. Why should we care? Here are several reasons. The enormous variety of these languages represents a vast, largely unmapped terrain on which linguists, cognitive scientists and philosophers can chart the full capabilities—and limits—of the human mind. Each endangered language embodies unique local knowledge of the cultures and natural systems in the region in which it is spoken. These languages are among our few sources of evidence for understanding human history. Other Implications Those who primarily speak one of the world’s major languages may find it hard to understand what losing one’s language can mean--and may even feel that the world would be better off if everyone spoke the same language. In fact, the requirement to speak one language is often associated with violence. Repressive governments forbid certain languages and cultural customs as a form of control. And conquered people resist assimilation by speaking their own languages and practicing their own customs. On the positive side, one language can enrich another—for example, by providing words and concepts not available in the other language. Most languages (including English) have borrowed words of all kinds. Learning another language often brings an appreciation of other cultures and people. The study of endangered languages also has implications for cognitive science because languages help illuminate how the brain functions and how we learn. “We want to know what the diversity of languages tells us about the ways the brain stores and communicates experience,” says Peg Barratt, NSF division director for behavioral and cognitive sciences. “Our focus is not just on recording examples of languages that are soon to disappear, but on understanding the grammars, vocabularies and structures of these languages.” Preserving While Documenting Documentation is the key to preserving endangered languages. Linguists are trying to document as many as they can by describing grammars and structural features, by recording spoken language and by using computers to store this information for study by scholars. Many endangered languages are only spoken; no written texts exist. So it is important to act quickly in order to capture them before they go extinct. To help preserve endangered languages, [url=http://www.nsf.gov/cgi-bin/good-bye?http://www.emeld.org/]E-MELD[/url] (Electronic Metastructure for Endangered Language Data) aims to boost documentation by: duplicating and digitizing high-quality recordings in an archival form; emphasizing self-documenting and software-independent data; giving linguists a toolkit to analyze and compare languages; developing a General Ontology for Linguistic Description (GOLD) to allow interoperability of archives, and comparability of data and analysis. In another kind of archiving, Joel Sherzer, Anthony Woodbury and Mark McFarland (University of Texas at Austin) are ensuring that Latin America's endangered languages are documented through [url=http://www.nsf.gov/cgi-bin/good-bye?http://www.ailla.utexas.org/site/welcome.html]The Archive of the Indigenous Languages of Latin America[/url] (AILLA). This Web-accessible database of audio and textual data features naturally–occurring discourse such as narratives, ceremonies, speeches, songs, poems and conversation. Using their Web browsers, scholars, students and indigenous people can access the database, search and browse the contents and download files using free software. Documentation is the right thing to do for both cultural and scientific reasons. According to NSF program director Joan Maling, we must explore as many different languages as we can to fully understand this uniquely human capacity—"Language" with a capital L. “Just as biologists can learn only from looking at many different organisms, so linguists and language scientists can learn only from studying many different human languages,” she says. “Preserving linguistic diversity through documentation is critical to the scientific study of language.”