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Times 丑闻 政治类 Mark Sanford Mary Ann Chastain/Associated Press Updated: July 1, 2009 Mark Sanford is the Republican governor of South Carolina. He had been known primarily for his vehement (fierce, violent, intense) opposition to President Obama's stimulus bill until he disappeared for a week in June 2009, infuriating (= irritate, enrage) members of the state legislature. On June 24, after being confronted by a reporter as he got off a plane from Buenos Aires, he held a news conference in which he admitted to having an extra-marital affair with a woman in Argentina. He later disclosed other flirtations. Governor Sanford confirmed that he had been in Buenos Aires, not hiking on the Appalachian Trail as he told his staff. In revealing the affair that had gone on for about a year -- and which he had disclosed to his wife, Jenny, five months ago -- he said: "This was selfishness on my part." His Argentine mistress was identified as María Belén Chapur. Mr. Sanford announced that he was resigning his position as chairman of the Republican Governors Association. When he acknowledged, two days later, that he had visited Ms. Chapur in Argentina in 2008 during a taxpayer-funded trip, top Republicans in the state joined in a rising chorus for him to resign. The furor(狂怒
骚动) over the governor's whereabouts(所在的地方) began on June 22, when his staff acknowledged that they could not reach him. His wife told the Associated Press that he had gone somewhere over the Father's Day weekend, but she did not know where and she was not concerned. The next night, at 10 p.m., his staff sent a "high priority" e-mail alert to reporters that Mr. Sanford was hiking the Appalachian Trail, a 2,100-mile path that does not pass through South Carolina. The following morning, a reporter for The State newspaper of Columbia, S.C., acting on a tip, staked out a returning flight from Buenos Aires at the Atlanta airport and confronted the governor. In the interview, Mr. Sanford said he had taken an unplanned trip to recharge after a difficult legislative session. He had considered hiking the trail, he said. "But I said 'no'; I wanted to do something exotic," he told The State. "It's a great city." After Mr. Sanford's press conference, Ms. Sanford, 46, issued a statement saying that while she loves her husband, she asked him to leave the family two weeks ago in a trial separation, though she still believes the marriage can be repaired. "We reached a point where I felt it was important to look my sons in the eyes and maintain my dignity, self-respect and my basic sense of right and wrong," she said. Because of the separation, she said, she had not known where he was. On June 25, Mr. Sanford said that he would reimburse(退款,补偿) the state for the cost of his travel to Argentina in 2008 as part of a Latin America tour described at the time as an economic development venture. Documents suggested the amount was roughly $12,000. "While the purpose of this trip was an entirely professional and appropriate business development trip," Mr. Sanford said in an e-mail statement issued by his office, "I made a mistake while I was there in meeting with the woman who I was unfaithful to my wife with." The South Carolina Commerce Department said Mr. Sanford had spent most of the trade mission in Brazil, and an itinerary it provided showed that he had met with government officials and with executives of various biofuel companies. Officials of the United States Commerce Department said they had helped Mr. Sanford arrange several meetings in Argentina through the United States Embassy there. His itinerary shows that while he was in Buenos Aires, he met with the president of Citibank Argentina, Juan Bruchou, and took a helicopter ride to meet with Daniel Osvaldo Scioli, governor of the region. But a schedule for the trip provided by the South Carolina Commerce Department shows that Mr. Sanford's itinerary in Argentina was much lighter than in Brazil. His schedule was free on two of the four days he spent there, and was open every evening. E-mail messages between Mr. Sanford and Ms. Chapur indicate that the trip, from June 21 to 28, coincided with what the two describe in the e-mail as the consummation(= completion, fulfillment) of their affair. On June 30, 2009, when concerns seemed to be abating( reducing) , Mr. Stanford said he had visited with Ms. Chapur more times than he initially disclosed and that he had had inappropriate flirtations with several other women as well. None of the other relationships "crossed the line," he said in an interview with The Associated Press. Mr. Sanford's political future -- he had been mentioned in 2008 as a possible running mate for Senator John McCain, and had moved up on to 2009's short list of potential Republican presidential contenders( 竞争者) in 2012 -- clearly was clouded. Across South Carolina, politicians of both parties were reeling from his disclosure, which was followed up by the publications of e-mails between Mr. Sanford and his mistress. In newspapers and on talk shows, debate raged over whether the governor should resign amid personal turmoil(混乱). The June 30 disclosures put his ability to remain governor in doubt. His standing within state government, already sapped(debilitated)by battles with Republicans and Democrats alike, had sunk even further, members of the legislature said. Previously, Democrats and Republicans alike saw advantages to his remaining in office. The Democrats were all too happy to see Mr. Sanford stay through the 2010 governor's race, so they could link him to his fellow Republicans. Political advisers to most Republicans preparing to run in the 2010 primary were also not eager to see him go. His resignation would most likely give an advantage to one expected Republican primary candidate in particular, Lt. Gov. R. André Bauer. Should Mr. Sanford resign, Mr. Bauer would succeed him and be able to run as the incumbent(在职者).乖乖
又虚拟
又倒装的 The governor's latest revelations(泄露,启示) make it harder for him to put the scandal behind him. Mr. Sanford recently lost a high-profile battle to reject $700 million in federal stimulus funding that he said should be spent instead on reducing the state deficit. After challenging the Obama administration, federal courts and the state legislature on the issue, he backed down (= give up)
on June 8 and requested the funding. The governor has maintained that his primary concern in fighting the stimulus money was not to raise his national profile for a presidential run but to strengthen the executive office in South Carolina, where the governor has few powers. But he took his stand against the stimulus so far -- appearing on national talk shows and even writing an opinion piece in The Wall Street Journal titled "Don't Bail Out My State" -- that it resulted in an order from the state supreme court that he do the legislature's bidding. His conservative home state was divided over his stance, with some people worried that the state was becoming a national laughingstock while others cheered the governor as a bulwark(=barricade, earthwork) against what they called liberal spending policies and the expansion of the welfare state. Teachers and educators marched on the capital in protest against the governor's refusal to accept the funds. Mr. Sanford has long been known as an iconoclast(反对崇拜偶像者). As a congressman(国会议员), he slept on a futon(=carpet)
in his office. To showcase his opposition to pork-barrel spending, he once brought two live piglets onto the floor of the state legislature. Adapted from National Journal's 2008 Almanac of American Politics: Mark Sanford, a Republican and something of a maverick(无党派的政治家), was elected governor of South Carolina in 2002. In 1994, 1st District incumbent Arthur Ravenel ran for governor, and Sanford, with no political experience, ran for the House. In the House Sanford voted more often than almost any other member against spending increases. He was one of the few members voting against measures passed by nearly unanimous(全体一致的) votes and he opposed what he considered pork barrel spending, including projects in South Carolina. He spent much of late 1999 and early 2000 campaigning for John McCain across the state, as did Lindsey Graham, even though most state Republican insiders backed George W. Bush. Read More... Back in South Carolina full-time in 2001 Sanford started running for governor. Well known and well liked in Charleston and the coast, he was unknown in the rest of the state, and he set about getting better acquainted. His ultimate target was Governor Jim Hodges, the Democrat who had upset Republican incumbent David Beasley in 1998. His job ratings were not particularly high, and Republicans were confident they could beat "the accidental governor," as some called him, in this basically Republican state. Hodges had more money, but Sanford seemed to attract more attention. Dressed usually in khakis and a plaid(格子) shirt, he talked about his plans for change and getting away from politics as usual. In November Sanford won 53%-47%. As governor, Sanford continued to defy convention. He instituted an "open door at four" policy: citizens could line up to get five-minute audiences with the governor (they sometimes went longer). After the departure of his chief of staff, he brought in his wife Jenny, a former investment banker who ran her husband's campaigns, to temporarily fill the void(=空缺,vacancy) though both denied she would be chief of staff. Sanford wondered out loud whether he should quit the Air Force Reserve, which he joined in 2002 just prior to running for governor, lest he(should)be called to active duty; he decided to stay in and arranged that Lieutenant Governor Andre Bauer should become acting governor. He was not called up but did spend two weeks in the spring in training. In 2005, he spent two weeks in Texas training as a medical evacuation(疏散) officer and missed the opening of the legislative session. He was later transferred to another unit, the Air Force's National Security Emergency Preparedness Agency. From the legislature he asked some pretty major changes: abolishing the elective offices of secretary of state, treasurer, comptroller(主计长), adjutant (associate, deputy) general, superintendent(= supervisor) of education and agriculture commissioner, and putting their functions under the governor; putting the state universities, accustomed to lobbying for themselves, under a single board of regents(董事);; enacting school vouchers ("education passports") for children in failing schools. Sanford managed to lower the DUI blood alcohol threshold to .08, win campaign finance changes that added more transparency and bring the Division of Motor Vehicles directly under the governor's office, but he failed to enact any of his major initiatives in his first year. That was the beginning of a strained relationship with the Republican-controlled legislature. South Carolina's governorship is constitutionally weak and the legislature relatively strong; Sanford struggled to work within these confines. He frequently pointed out that he was the first governor in 50 years not to have come out of the legislature or state government, an observation that was obvious from his approach. After the failure of his plan in 2003 to swap a phase out of the income tax for an increase in the cigarette tax, Sanford promised to visit districts of lawmakers from both parties who did not support the plan and vetoed local issue bills that were routinely signed in the past. He angered legislators by commissioning a poll to measure his personal popularity against theirs. In 2004, Sanford again pursued an ambitious agenda, advocating tax credits for families who send their children to private schools, transfer them to another public school or home-school them. He called for worker's compensation reform, government restructuring, increasing the number of charter schools, containing health insurance costs and for a capital access program that would encourage financial institutions lend to small businesses. His tax plan drew the most attention; he proposed a 15 percent reduction in income taxes, offset by a 5-cent sales tax on lottery tickets and a 61-cent tax increase on a pack of cigarettes. The General Assembly, primarily the Senate, again balked at his proposals. Sanford did little to placate recalcitrant legislators. He issued 106 budget vetoes to cut spending and the House overrode 105 of them. He also vetoed an economic development bill that began as the Life Sciences Act, offering tax incentives to biotech and medical research companies. Though he once supported the economic development initiative, he objected to various projects that legislators tacked onto the final bill; the legislature overwhelmingly overrode his veto. He angered legislators in the final week of the five-month legislative session by sneaking two piglets into the State House to symbolize the legislative appetite for pork. The pigs defecated on the carpet; the public, it turned out, loved the stunt. Another veto came in December, aimed at a property tax bill that would have capped valuation increases. Sanford cited the bill's unintended consequences and was applauded by the state Chamber of Commerce and the state School Boards Association. Sanford's penchant for showmanship again surfaced in March 2005 when he brought a horse and buggy to the State House entrance to draw attention to his efforts to restructure government. "We have a system of government in this state that to a large extent is still stuck in 1895," he said. In May, he launched another round of vetoes, issuing 163 budget vetoes this time. In 2006, his battles with the legislature continued and so did the stunts: this time he stood in bank vaults across the state, holding up stacks of money, to emphasize his call for the House to rein in spending. Sanford ended up vetoing the entire budget in June-rather than utilize his line-item veto power-and legislators were faced with the dilemma of either overriding the veto or shutting down state government. They chose to override. It was this contentious relationship that led Time
magazine in November 2005 to name Sanford as one of the three worst governors in the nation, a stinging rebuke that listed as evidence Standard & Poor's 2005 lowering of South Carolina's bond rating, a 6.3% unemployment rate and the state's losing bid for a $500 million Airbus plant. Sanford dismissed the rating as the product of a liberal magazine; he pointed to National Review, a conservative publication, which had earlier described him as "one of the best new governors in the country," and to the Cato Institute, a libertarian think tank, which has also given him high ratings for his fiscal record. While little was fair about the ranking-it was accompanied by less than 200 words of explanation-and the methodology was suspect, it provided fuel to his many critics on the eve of his 2006 reelection campaign, which he won. His was not the kind of sweeping victory(全面胜利)
that draws notice outside a state's border, but Sanford's fiscal record was popular with some national conservatives and there was still mention of him as a possible presidential candidate in 2008. Sanford vigorously denied it and made no moves in that direction. But unlike 2000, when he supported John McCain, he did not issue an early presidential endorsement. |