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【CASK EFFECT】1006G阅读全方位锻炼--越障【Economist】 2-2
继草木也知愁【SCI】系列特推出【Economist】,旨在培养阅读的习惯。
阅读不是实力的较量,是习惯的比拼
“规则:0 u, r. g$ C/ d+ [4 f5 C* B, J" n/ v5 W* u. f
% K N9 u8 C/ `6 A0 b
我每天贴出1000字左右的一篇文字
没有别的要求,只要大家坚持读完就可以如果你能坚持一个月,你会发现自己的阅读进化了 [注]
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直接在电脑屏幕面前做,虽然GRE阅读是在纸上考,但是这个过程会遏制你做笔记,同时给你的阅读造成视觉障碍,也就是把难度训练和抗干扰训练同步结合,增加效率(初期会很累,但是既然大家想要成为高手,那么就别对自己太温柔)
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所采用文章部分来自寄托天下版油发贴,在此谢谢所有的版油”
China's reaction to Communism's collapse
Keep calm and carry on
Nov 5th 2009 | BEIJING
From The Economist print edition
How Deng Xiaoping neutralised the country’s worst moment
“THE East German people are now strengthening their unity under the leadership of the party.” So declared China’s Communist Party mouthpiece, the People’s Daily, in October 1989. A month later the Berlin Wall fell. Even today, China’s leaders find the memory painful.
China’s state-owned media have mostly avoided the subject, as they have also stayed silent about the anniversary in June of China’s own pro-democracy upheaval of 1989—tumult that was witnessed by Mikhail Gorbachev, Russia’s leader, and which was bloodily suppressed only when he had gone home. They are probably obeying instructions from the Central Propaganda Department of the party. The party’s keen interest in the cause of national unification (in its case, reclaiming Taiwan) has not helped ease its qualms about the fate of East Germany.
Yet China’s ruling party has devoted considerable energy to dissecting the causes of communism’s collapse in eastern Europe and the Soviet Union. Official publishing houses have produced several works analysing them and drawing lessons from them. The first shock over, the party was quick not only to cement ties with eastern Europe’s new democracies but also to develop strategies for avoiding their predecessors’ fate.
In late 1989 China’s anxiety was so profound and its diplomacy in such confusion that it was difficult to imagine it would ever come to terms with the new world order. Fresh unrest seemed unavoidable. It was far from certain that Jiang Zemin, a little known leader who had been appointed party chief in the wake of the Tiananmen Square unrest, was on firm ground.
China’s dogged insistence that nothing untoward was happening in eastern Europe ensured that its awakening would be harsh. In early October 1989, even after thousands of East Germans had fled their country, China sent a senior leader to East Germany’s official celebration of four decades of communism (a “glorious” 40 years, the People’s Daily called it). East Germany’s 77-year-old leader, Erich Honecker, was a conservative much respected by China’s own gerontocrats, and a backer of the crackdown in Tiananmen. His resignation that October was appalling to them.
It was an appeal for cool heads by China’s 85-year-old senior leader, Deng Xiaoping, that helped China’s rulers weather the storm. In September 1989 he told them—in a speech only published years later—to be “calm, calm and again calm” and to carry on with China’s (mostly economic) reforms. Mr Deng’s advice, and its later elaboration, remains China’s guiding philosophy. Its central message is often summarised as taoguang yanghui, meaning “concealing one’s capabilities and biding one’s time”. Mr Deng wanted China to get on with building its economy and avoid ideological battles. The economy, in effect, would save the party.
David Shambaugh, an American scholar, wrote in a book published last year that China’s most important conclusion from communism’s ruin elsewhere was that an ossified party-state with a dogmatic ideology, entrenched elites, dormant party organisations and a stagnant economy was a certain recipe for collapse. The Chinese party, he argues, has been “very proactive” in reforming itself and adjusting its policies to new conditions.
Not everyone is satisfied. A website set up by a German group to gather internet users’ comments on the Berlin Wall anniversary, www.berlintwitterwall.com, has been deluged with postings from Chinese complaining about China’s “great firewall”, as the country’s state-managed internet filtering system is often called. Access to the website has been blocked by China’s internet censors for several days.
But China’s media controls are not as impermeable as they were when the Berlin Wall fell. One magazine, Southern Metropolis Weekly—known for its risqué reporting—devoted 19 pages to the Berlin Wall in its October 30th issue. “Among those who love freedom, efforts will never cease to tear down walls that block and restrict interaction,” said one of the articles. Another said that no matter what difficulties Germans now faced, “there are probably very few who want to return to the days before the Berlin Wall’s collapse”.
When President Barack Obama comes to China on November 15th, he will diplomatically avoid any public suggestion that China’s party should disappear like its east European counterparts. In July, addressing a meeting of senior Chinese and American officials in Washington, Mr Obama noted that the tearing down of the Berlin Wall had unleashed a “rising tide of globalisation that continues to shape our world”. Perhaps to avoid embarrassing a crucial economic partner, Mr Obama did not mention the event’s impact on communism. Mr Deng’s strategy has paid off nicely. |
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