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发表于 2010-6-7 23:08:16 |只看该作者

A special report on South Africa

The price of freedom

Since embracing full democracy 16 years ago, South Africa has made huge strides. But, says Diana Geddes (interviewed here), not everything has changed for the better

Jun 3rd 2010 | From The Economist print edition

SPORT matters in South Africa. In his new year’s address to the nation, President Jacob Zuma described 2010 as “the most important year in our country since 1994”. To outsiders, playing host to this year’s football World Cup seemed perhaps a less momentous event than holding the country’s first fully democratic elections that established a black-majority government 16 years ago—especially when the national team, Bafana Bafana, may be knocked out(淘汰) in the first round. But with the kick-offn. 〈足球〉开球 on June 11th, just days after the country’s 100th birthday on May 31st, the world’s eyes will be on Africa’s leading economy for the next few weeks.

Can the “miracle” nation, which won plaudits around the world for its peaceful transition to democracy after centuries of white-supremacist rule, conquer the bitter divisions of its past to turn itself into the “rainbow nation” of Nelson Mandela’s dreams? Or will it become ever more miredadj. 陷入的 in bad governance, racial tension, poverty, corruption, violence and decay to turn into yet another African failed state? With Zimbabwe, its neighbour to the north, an ever-present reminder of what can happen after just a couple of decades of post-liberation single-party rule解放后的一党统治, many South Africans, black and white, worry that their country may be reaching a tipping point达到一个临界点.

Western fans arriving in South Africa for the World Cup could be forgiven for thinking that they were still in the rich world. Much of the infrastructure is as good as you will find anywhere—particularly those parts that have been given multi-million-dollar facelifts in preparation for the tournament. Ten spectacular stadiums have been newly built or upgraded at a cost of 15 billion rand (see box for currency conversions). Visitors arriving at O.R. Tambo, the main international airport, will be whiskedvt.搅打;急忙拿走;甩动 n.搅拌器;拂,掸 into Johannesburg by the Gautrain, Africa’s first high-speed rail link (pictured above). And many of the country’s hotels and restaurants are world-class, including Bushmans Kloof hotel, three hours’ drive from Cape Town, recently voted the world’s best by Travel + Leisure website, and Cape Town’s La Colombe, ranked 12th in this year’s S.Pellegrino list of the best restaurants.

Not as rich as it looks

But in reality South Africa is no more than a middle-income developing country with a GDP per person of around $10,000 (at purchasing-power parity), a quarter of the American figure. On a per-head basis, it is the seventh-richest country in Africa by some measures. The average hides huge disparities. Under apartheidn. (南非)种族隔离, whites were encouraged to believe they were part of the Western world. It was only when they had to start sharing their streets, goods and services with their darker-skinned compatriots that they began to wonder whether they really were. Many now complain about falling standards. Yet most whites have done rather well since apartheid ended—better, in fact, than most blacks. They still enjoy a good life, helped by cheap domestic help低价帮佣 and first-class private medical care and schools.

For the majority of South Africa’s blacks, however, the living is not so easy. Although many of the poorest now get some kind of government support, it is only a pittancen. 少量,少量津贴. Most blacks still live in shoddy shacks or bungalows(平房)
without proper sanitation in poor crime-riddenadj. 充满犯罪行为的,犯罪猖獗的 townshipsn.[美,加]乡;[] outside the main cities. Their schools and hospitals are often in a direadj. 可怕的,悲惨的,灾难警告的,极其的 state. And, in a country where there is little public transport, most blacks do not own a car. Although it has the world’s 24th-biggest economy, South Africa ranks a dismal 129th out of 182 on the UN’s Human Development Index (and 12th in Africa).
The country’s constitution, adopted in 1996, is one of the most progressive in the world. It enshrinesv.奉为神圣,珍藏 a wide range of social and economic rights as well as the more usual civil and political freedoms. Discrimination is banned not only on the grounds of根据,以为理由 race, gender, age and belief, but also of pregnancy, marital status, sexual orientation and culture. Every one of the country’s 49m people—79% black, 9% white, 9% coloured (mixed race) and 3% Asian/Indian—is guaranteed equal protection under the law. Freedom House, a Washington-based research foundation, gives South Africa a respectable rating of 2 in its “freedom in the world” index, where 1 is completely free and 7 totally unfree.

South Africa is a land of contrasts. It has fabulous mineral wealth, with 90% of the world’s known platinumn. 白金, reserves, 80% of its manganesen. , 70% of its chromen. and 40% of its gold, as well as rich coal depositsn.定金;存款;矿藏 vt.使沉淀;寄存;储蓄; yet 43% of its population live on less than $2 a day. It has just announced plans to develop a satellite programme (with India and Brazil) and is the leading candidate to host the world’s biggest science project, the Square Kilometre Array radio telescope; yet in international maths, science and reading tests it performs abysmally. It has sky-high unemployment yet at the same time suffers from cripplingadj. 造成严重后果的 skills shortages. It was the first country to perform a heart transplant, and some of its doctors are still among the best anywhere; yet its people’s health record is among the world’s worst. And, leaving aside war zones, it is one of the most violent and crime-ridden countries on the planet. This special report will look at South Africa the way that most of its people see it. The results are often harsha.严厉()的;刺耳的,刺目的,毛糙的.

The bright side

Yet there are some encouraging signs that the contrasts are getting less starka.荒凉的;严酷的;完全的 ad.完全地. South Africa has recently cut its murder rate in half; virtually eradicated severe malnutritionn.营养不良 among the under-fives; increased the enrolment in schools of children aged seven to 15 to nearly 100%; provided welfare benefits for 15m people; and set up the world’s biggest antiretroviraln. 抗逆转录病毒 treatment programme for HIV/AIDS.
What about race? South Africa remains obsessed by it. That is hardly surprising after 350 years of racial polarisation, including nearly half a century of apartheid, when inter-racial sex was a criminal offence and non-whites were even banned from using the pavements. The subject waxes and wanes. Only last August Mr Zuma was warning his compatriots against reviving the race debate. But the murder in April of Eugene Terre’Blanche, leader of a white-supremacist group, and the racist outburstsn.(感情)迸发
by Julius Malema, the leader of the powerful Youth League of the ruling African National Congress (ANC), have brought it to the fore again.

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发表于 2010-6-7 23:44:29 |只看该作者

What the new iPhone probably won't include (but should)
Jun 6th 2010, 21:44 by T.S. | LONDON
AS THE futurologist Paul Saffo likes to observe, most ideas take 20 years to become an overnightsuccess. The basic technology is often worked out, but without someone to champion it, it spreads only slowly. Then, eventually, a big company takes the technology in question and builds it into its products, thus endorsing the idea and giving it scale. Suddenly, it takes off. It seems to be an overnight success, but it has actually taken much longer than that to reach the mainstream.
Over the years Apple has blessed several technologies in this way and brought them to a mass audience: the graphical user interface with the Mac, the digital music player with the iPod, mobile internet-browsing and multi-touch screens with the iPhone, tablet computers with the iPad. In each case there were previous examples of the technology, but Apple showed how it should be done, and it then took off. There's another such technology that has been around for several years and is ready for lift-off; it just needs the endorsement of a big company like Apple to make it happen. The technology in question is "near-field communication" (NFC) chips, which can be used to make contactless payments, among other things.
If you use a contactless card as your office pass or public-transport ticket (prominent examples are Octopus in Hong Kong and Oyster in London) then you'll already be familiar with the basic idea: you hold the card near a reader (I keep my Oyster card inside my wallet) and the ticker barrier opens. There are also contactless credit cards in several markets (though not very many retailers accept them yet), and contactless key fobs, using the same technology, which let you pay for petrol with a swipe. This technology has been slowly spreading for years.
What an NFC chip does, however, is enable a mobile phone to emulate one of these contactless cards. The phone is then able to replace a wallet-full of such cards, and accompanying software on the phone lets you check the balance on your rail pass, for example. This is in fact commonplace in Japan, where thousands of people routinely use their mobile phones as their railway tickets, and renew their tickets right on their phones, using the phone's mobile-internet connection. For a while this was easily the biggest mobile-commerce application on Earth.
All the nuts and bolts have been worked out, in other words. But the technology is still stuck in the starting blocks. The banks were pushing contactless credit cards quite hard in some parts of the world a couple of years ago, but the financial crisis has understandably distracted them. Handset-makers such as Nokia have also produced handsets with NFC support, but if only one or two phones in the line-up support NFC, that's not enough phones to encourage retailers, railway companies and so on to adopt the technology.
If Apple announced that every iPhone would henceforth support NFC, however, then the picture would change overnight. There would be a flood of apps to support the emulation of various contactless cards. Within a few months there would be a critical mass of tech-savvy users willing to adopt the technology, giving retailers, banks and other companies the confidence to pile in. And iPhones are quite expensive handsets, with relatively price-insensitive buyers, so nobody would really notice the small added cost of an NFC chip.
Understandably, given that it makes perfect sense, there have been persistent rumours that Apple might be thinking of putting NFC chips into the next iPhone, which is due to be announced on June 7th. Tellingly, the company has filed a couple of NFC-related patents. But the next-generation iPhones that have escaped into the wild in recent weeks, and have then been taken apart, do not seem to include the technology. Moreover, Apple has approved an iPhone case, made by DeviceFidelity, that includes an NFC chip connected via the dock connector, and which then talks to an app on the phone. I doubt Apple would do that if it were about to announce direct support for the technology itself; but perhaps it's a bluff to divert attention from plans to do just that. On balance, though, I don't expect the new fourth-generation iPhone HD, or whatever it is called, to include NFC. But perhaps the fifth-generation one will?

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发表于 2010-6-8 16:56:14 |只看该作者
本帖最后由 shevava 于 2010-6-8 16:57 编辑

A world of connections

Jan 28th 2010

From The Economist print edition

Online social networks are changing the way people communicate, work and play, and mostly for the better, says Martin Giles (interviewed here)

THE annual meeting of the World Economic Forum in Davos, currently in progress, is famous for making connections among the global great and good. But when the delegates go home again, getting even a few of them together in a room becomes difficult. To allow the leaders to keep talking, the forum’s organisers last year launched a pilot version(试验版) of a secure online service where members can post mini-biographies and other information, and create links with other users to form collaborative working groups. Dubbed(vt.起绰号,把称为;配音,译制片) the World Electronic Community, or WELCOM, the forum’s exclusive online network has only about 5,000 members.

But if any service deserves such a grand title it is surely Facebook, which celebrates its sixth birthday next month and is now the second most popular site on the internet after Google. The globe’s largest online social network boasts over 350m users—which, were it a nation, would make Facebook the world’s third most populous after China and India. That is not the only striking statistic associated with the business. Its users now post over 55m updates a day on the site and share more than 3.5 billion pieces of content with one another every week. As it has grown like Topsy, the site has also expanded way beyond its American roots: today some 70% of its audience is outside the United States.

Although Facebook is the world’s biggest social network, there are a number of other globetrotting sites, such as MySpace, which concentrates on music and entertainment; LinkedIn, which targets career-minded professionals; and Twitter, a networking service that lets members send out short, 140-character messages called “tweets”. All of these appear in a ranking of the world’s most popular networks by total monthly web visits (see chart 1), which also includes Orkut, a Google-owned service that is heavily used in India and Brazil, and QQ, which is big in China. On top of these there are other big national community sites such as Skyrock in France, VKontakte in Russia, and Cyworld in South Korea, as well as numerous smaller social networks that appeal to specific interests such as Muxlim, aimed at the world’s Muslims, and ResearchGATE, which connects scientists and researchers.

Going public

All this shows just how far online communities have come. Until the mid-1990s they were largely ghettos(n. 少数民族聚居区,贫民区,犹太人区) for geeks(n. 杂技团表演者,反常人,电脑迷) who hid behind online aliases(n.化名,别名). Thanks to easy-to-use interfaces and fine-grained privacy controls, social networks have been transformed into vast public spaces where millions of people now feel comfortable using their real identities online. ComScore, a market-research firm, reckons that last October big social networking sites received over 800m visitors. “The social networks’ greatest achievement has been to bring humanity into a place that was once cold and technological,” says Charlene Li of the Altimeter Group, a consulting firm.

Their other great achievement has been to turn themselves into superb tools for mass communication. Simply by updating a personal page on Facebook or sending out a tweet, users can let their network of friends—and sometimes the world—know what is happening in their lives. Moreover, they can send out videos, pictures and lots of other content with just a few clicks of a mouse. “This represents a dramatic and permanent upgrade in people’s ability to communicate with one another,” says Marc Andreessen, a Silicon Valley veteran who has invested in Facebook, Twitter and Ning, an American firm that hosts almost 2m social networks for clients.

And people are making copious use of that ability. Nielsen, a market-research firm, reckons that since February 2009 they have been spending more time on social-networking sites than on e-mail, and the lead is getting bigger. Measured by hours spent on them per social-network user, the most avid online networkers are in Australia, followed by those in Britain and Italy (see chart 2). Last October Americans spent just under six hours surfing social networks, almost three times as much as in the same month in 2007. And it isn’t just youngsters who are friending and poking one another—Facebook-speak for making connections and saying hi to your pals(n.伙伴,好朋友  v.交友). People of all ages are joining the networks in ever greater numbers.

Social-networking sites’ impressive growth has attracted much attention because the sites have made people’s personal relationships more visible and quantifiable than ever before. They have also become important vehicles for news and channels of influence. Twitter regularly scores headlines with its real-time updates on events like the Mumbai terrorist attacks and on the activities of its high-profile(adj. 高姿态的,立场明确的) users, who include rap stars, writers and royalty. And both Twitter and Facebook played a starring role in the online campaign strategy that helped sweep Barack Obama to victory in the presidential race.

Delivery time

But like Mr Obama, social networks have also generated great expectations along the way on which they must now deliver. They need to prove to the world that they are here to stay. They must demonstrate that they are capable of generating the returns that justify the lofty valuations investors have given them. And they need to do all this while also reassuring users that their privacy will not be violated in the pursuit of profit.

In the business world there has also been much hype(大肆宣传,炒作) around something called “Enterprise 2.0”, a term coined to describe efforts to bring technologies such as social networks and blogs into the workplace. Fans claim that new social-networking offerings now being developed for the corporate world will create huge benefits for businesses. Among those being touted are services such as Yammer, which produces a corporate version of Twitter, and Chatter, a social-networking service that has been developed by Salesforce.com.

To skeptics all this talk of twittering, yammering and chattering smacks of another internet bubble in the making(酝酿中). They argue that even a huge social network such as Facebook will struggle to make money because fickle(adj. 变幻无常的,轻浮的,(爱情或友情上)易变的) networkers will not stay in one place for long, pointing to the example of MySpace, which was once all the rage(风靡一时的事物,时尚) but has now become a shadow of its former self. Last year the site, which is owned by News Corp, installed a new boss and fired 45% of its staff as part of a plan to revive its fortunes. Critics also say that the networks’ advertising-driven business model is flawed.

Within companies there is plenty of doubt about the benefits of online social networking in the office. A survey of 1,400 chief information officers conducted last year by Robert Half Technology, a recruitment firm(招聘公司), found that only one-tenth of them gave employees full access to such networks during the day, and that many were blocking Facebook and Twitter altogether. The executives’ biggest concern was that social networking would lead to social not working, with employees using the sites to chat with friends instead of doing their jobs. Some bosses also fretted(v.(使)发愁(烦躁,苦恼) that the sites would be used to leak sensitive corporate information.

This special report will examine these issues in detail. It will argue that social networks are more robust than their critics think, though not every site will prosper, and that social-networking technologies are creating considerable benefits for the businesses that embrace them, whatever their size. Lastly, it will contend that this is just the beginning of an exciting new era of global interconnectedness that will spread ideas and innovations around the world faster than ever before.



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发表于 2010-6-8 19:50:42 |只看该作者

The future of the tablet computer

Not written in stone

The iPad is a success, but other tablets may not be

Jun 3rd 2010

One tablet per model

THE iPad, Apple’s latest gadget(n 小机械(有专门用途的小的机械装置或电动装置)=contrivance), seems to have lived up to its maker’s lofty expectations: 2m of them have been sold in two months, with more presumably(adv. 推测上,假定上,大概) to follow after the device’s debut outside America on May 28th. But will the iPad’s success trigger explosive growth for other sorts of “tablet” computers, a category that had previously been seen a sideshow, much as the iPhone did for smart-phones?

The answer appears to be yes, if the proliferation of tablets at Computex, a trade show held this week in Taiwan, is anything to judge by. The exhibition floor was teeming with prototypes, especially from Taiwanese firms such as Acer and Asustek. Dell, an American rival, had unveiled(vt.揭露) its offering, Streak, a few days earlier. Even Google and One Laptop per Child, a charity, have tablets in the works.
Yet the flurry(n. 一阵疾风,阵雪,狂喜,忙乱) of activity is deceptive(adj. 迷惑的,虚伪的,诈欺的). Not all the computer-makers rushing to produce tablets are convinced they will be a huge success; they are simply hedging(n.树篱;障碍物 vt.用篱笆围 vi.避免直接回答) their bets after their failure, in many cases, to predict the popularity of netbooks (no-frills laptops), which shot to success in 2008. Tellingly, most of the new devices will not hit the stores before the end of the year, if not later.

It is still unclear what people will use tablets for, says Jeff Orr of ABI Research. They are unlikely to edge out(v. 取代,挤掉,以微弱之差击败) established devices such as televisions, personal computers, games consoles and smart-phones. Most buyers so far have been habitual early-adopters of new gadgets. But tablets may find a niche, he believes, as portable video players and magazine racks.

Much will depend on price. The cheapest iPad costs $499. For tablets to become a mass-market product like DVD players, analysts reckon, the price must fall to $100 at most. Some iPad clones are to be sold at this level, but they lack many of its most attractive features. Fancier tablets could become cheaper, however, if mobile-telecoms operators were to subsidise them, as they do with handsets.

This points to another barrier. To maximise their usefulness, tablets need a fast wireless-internet connection. But so far only a third of American households have Wi-Fi, reckons ABI Research. And mobile-data services are not getting cheaper, at least for heavy users. On June 2nd AT&T ditched its all-you-can-eat plan for iPads, which cost $30 a month, and replaced it with tiered rates(分层利率).

What is more, tablets are less about hardware than about the software and services that run on them. Users of iPads can already download more than 5,000 applications from Apple’s online store. Such variety is a distant prospect for owners of tablets powered by other operating systems, such as Google’s Android. Yet the more competition there is among operating systems and devices, the more common tablets are likely to become.

Some of the most muscular players in the industry are still in the locker room(衣帽间). Hewlett-Packard is said to have killed the Slate, which was to be based on Microsoft’s Windows, and is now reportedly working on a tablet using an operating system from Palm, the smart-phone maker that HP recently bought. Microsoft will certainly re-enter the fray, although none of its operating systems seems a good fit for tablets. Nokia, too, has yet to unveil its plans.

ABI Research thinks only 8m will be sold worldwide this year and that they will not become a mass-market device before the middle of the decade, by which time it foresees annual sales of 57m. Even this would be less than the number of netbooks expected to be sold this year. And it is not even a third of the global market for smart-phones in 2009.

But tablets may still have a big impact, argues Carolina Milanesi of Gartner, another research firm. Television-makers, for instance, may introduce more interactive features and computer-makers launch app stores in response. All very gratifying for tablet manufacturers, no doubt, but not exactly a money-spinner(n. 赚大钱的人,赚大钱的事业).

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发表于 2010-6-9 19:40:37 |只看该作者

Facebook, Google and privacy

Dicing(n.骰子;掷骰子游戏 vt.切成丁) with data

Google and especially Facebook should change the way they look after people’s personal information

May 20th 2010 | From The Economist print edition

IN THE space of a week two of the best-known internet companies have found themselves in a pickle over privacy. Facebook faces criticism for making more information about its users available by default(默认). Meanwhile Google has been castigated(v. 惩罚,严厉批评,谴责) by a bevy(n.一群(少女或鸟)) of privacy regulators for inadvertently(adv. 不注意,疏忽的) collecting data from unsecured Wi-Fi networks in people’s homes as part of a project to capture images of streets around the world.
Although the two cases are distinct, they have revived fears that online privacy is being trampled underfoot as internet behemoths(n. 巨兽,庞然大物,异常巨大的东西) race to grab as much data as possible. And they have provoked calls for tougher action by regulators and governments to prevent web firms from abusing the mountains of personal data they now hold. Danah Boyd, a social-networking expert, has even argued that Facebook, with its hordes(n.群众,一大群) of members around the world, is now so embedded in people’s lives that it should be regulated as a utility(n.功用,效用[ pl.]公用事业).

The firms have fought back. Facebook claims that most of its users are comfortable with the changes it has introduced, including one that lets it share detailed customer data with some external sites. It has blamed the furore (n. 轰动,狂热,狂怒) on media hysteria; only a few privacy activists have publicly committed “Facebook suicide” by closing their accounts (see article). As for Google, it has apologised for its “mistake” and says that leaders of its Street View project knew nothing about the software that allowed its roving vehicles(巡回车) to capture snippets(n. 小片,小部分,(消息或文章等的)片段) of e-mails.

Friends or foes(n.敌人,仇敌)?
At its most extreme, the attack on Facebook and Google makes little sense. Treating them as utilities seems excessive, for two reasons. They are not essential services that enjoy a local or national monopoly; people who feel their privacy is being violated are free to hop(v.人单足跳;跳上(车等)) to other web services (remember AltaVista and MySpace?), though many sites deliberately(adv 故意地,蓄意地) make it hard for them to take their data with them. A second reason to tread(v 践踏;镇压;n 车轮胎面(轮胎与路面或轨道接触的部分)) carefully is that strict regulation could stifle(vt.闷死;扼杀;掩盖,藏匿) the rapid innovation in business models that has thrived on the internet. Instead, officials should concentrate on enforcing existing privacy rules—something they seem reassuringly(adv. 安慰地) keen to do. Canada’s privacy commissioner(n.专员;政府特派员), Jennifer Stoddart, has given warning that her organisation may take action against Facebook for violating a deal reached last year requiring the network to seek users’ permission before sharing their data.

However, even if, like this newspaper, you both distrust government intervention and believe the world has gained from the sharing of information on the web, there are plainly real grounds for concern. For instance, Google claims it discovered that its software had been accidentally recording private information for several years only after privacy officials in Germany demanded that it come clean about the data being collected. That is a stunning admission from a technology giant—and privacy watchdogs(n. 看门狗, 监察人(), 监督人()) are right to investigate that.

Facebook’s problem is more fundamental. True, the social network has some of the most extensive privacy controls on the web, but these have now become so complex—and are tweaked(v. 扭,拉,(机械)做微调) so often—that even privacy experts find them bamboozling. The company also has a powerful incentive to push people into revealing more information. Facebook generates most of its revenue from targeted advertisements based on users’ demography and interests, so the more data users share publicly the more money it can mint from ads. It may well be betting that users are now so hooked(a.钩形的,着迷的) that they are unlikely to revolt against a gradual loosening of privacy safeguards.

The worst thing is Facebook’s underlying prejudice against privacy. Sign up and it assumes you want to share as much data as possible; if not, you have to change the settings, which can be a fiddly(adj. 要求高精度的,需要手巧的) business. The presumption should be exactly the opposite: the default should be tight privacy controls, which users may then loosen if they choose. If Facebook fails to simplify and improve its privacy policy, it will justly risk the wrath of regulators—and many more Facebook suicides.

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发表于 2010-6-9 19:40:59 |只看该作者

Facebook

Village people

How to avoid trouble

Jun 3rd 2010

The Facebook Effect: The Inside Story of the Company that is Connecting the World. By David Kirkpatrick. Simon & Schuster; 372 pages; $26. To be published in Britain by Virgin in July; £11.99. Buy from Amazon.com

MARSHALL MCLUHAN is very popular at Facebook, according to David Kirkpatrick’s new book on the social-networking giant. That is hardly surprising. In the 1960s McLuhan argued that the rise of electronic communications would inevitably shrink the world to create what he called “a global village” whose members would have a heightened sense of their collective identity. Facebook, which may soon boast 500m active users in its online-networking service, seems bent on turning McLuhan’s vision into a reality.

That the social network has come so far so fast in six years is testimony to the drive of another visionary: Mark Zuckerberg, its youthful founder and chief executive. Mr Kirkpatrick provides some intriguing insights into the psyche of Mr Zuckerberg and his journey from a dorm room at Harvard University, where he created the forerunner to Facebook, to the boardroom of what is now one of the best-known technology companies in the world. His research helps explain Facebook’s success, but it also hints(n.暗示;细微的迹象[ pl.]建议 v.暗示) at why the firm has repeatedly found itself mired in controversy.
In the early days Mr Zuckerberg comes across as a mixture of programming prodigy(n.奇才,天才(尤指神童)) and business neophyte (his initial business cards bear the memorable phrase “I’m CEO…bitch!”). But his leadership instincts are commendably(adv. 值得表扬地) sharp. By surrounding himself with experienced advisers, he manages to steer Facebook clear of hurdles that threaten to derail(vt. 使出轨,阻碍,扰乱) its growth and soon finds himself the object of fawning attention from companies and venture capitalists drooling over(流口水) the firm’s fast-growing franchise. The pressure on the fledgling entrepreneur is intense. In one scene Mr Zuckerberg retreats to the bathroom of a swank Silicon Valley restaurant and bursts into tears during a stressful negotiation over funding.

But behind the tears is toughness. Facebook’s boss turns down several Croesus(n. 大富豪,大财主)-like offers to buy the company in spite of intense lobbying(激烈的游说) by fellow shareholders who think he should sell. And he pursues his vision of making the world a more open and connected place with single-minded determination. Some of the most interesting passages in “The Facebook Effect” describe how Mr Zuckerberg’s missionary zeal makes him ambivalent towards initiatives(n.主动性,首创精神) that would mint(n 钱的大量;巨额;v 铸造(钱币)) money for Facebook but fail to advance its agenda of “radical transparency”.

It is this zeal—and the company’s habit of suddenly revealing more of a user’s information in unexpected ways—that has repeatedly got it into hot water. Here Mr Kirkpatrick puts his finger on the contradiction between Mr Zuckerberg’s professed(adj. 公开声称的) belief in the importance of protecting people’s privacy and his deep-seated conviction that people are rapidly losing interest in keeping their personal data hidden.

Resolving this tension will not be easy. If Facebook is too conservative(adj. 保守的,守旧的), it risks being usurped by fast-growing upstarts. If it pushes its agenda of openness too hard, it could alienate users. Mr Kirkpatrick believes that Facebook’s leaders are smart enough to come up with strategies that will keep the company growing like crazy. “When I’m in their offices I often feel this could be the smartest bunch of young people on the planet today,” he gushes.

Perhaps they are, but some of the team’s ill-considered actions have raised the hackles(n. (狗的)颈部之毛,怒气) of privacy watchdogs and policymakers. A groundswell of protest(抗议浪潮) recently took the company by surprise and forced it to roll back changes that automatically made more data publicly available. If Facebook is to prosper it needs to accept that even in an emerging global village, many people will not want to live in houses that are made entirely of glass.

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发表于 2010-6-9 19:41:40 |只看该作者
[rm][/rm]Fleeing Facebook
Jun 3rd 2010, 21:50 by N.V. | LOS ANGELES


A YEAR ago, your correspondent decided life was too short to spend an hour or so a day reading what friends on Facebook were about to cook for supper or some such thing. After three years of mild amusement, the time had come to pull the plug(拔掉电源,结束,终止). What finally nudged(v (为引起注意用肘)轻触,轻推) him into action was not Facebook’s cavalier disregard(傲慢的无视) for its users’ privacy, nor even its dodgy(adj. 躲闪的,不可靠的,善于骗人的) data-mining tricks that targeted users with adverts based on interests gleaned from their personal profiles. That was all business as usual, he assumed, for an enterprise bent on(决心,决定做某事) dominating the universe.
No, the final straw(最后的稻草) was a new algorithm(n. 算法) deployed by the site’s Live Feed feature that selected news stories based on the number of times the item had been noted by others. The result was a flood of garbage that could not be stemmed(v. 滋生, 阻止). More than anything(特别地), it said the folks at Facebook just don’t get what user-control is all about.
Months after he had fled the scene, the fiasco over Facebook’s revised privacy policy that went into effect last December only confirmed his impressions. Unconscionably(adj. 不合理的,没有条理的,过度的), this made lists of friends and photos from user profiles public for all and sundry to see—even those belonging to users who had chosen explicitly to restrict such confidential information to their own inner circle of friends. Making things worse, the control for rehiding the information was abruptly removed.
No matter that the first rule of online behaviour is never post anything that you do not want to see splattered(v. 使水等飞溅,叽叽查查讲个不停) all over the internet in perpetuity. If you do, it will be—and there is no way of ever deleting it. Even so, Facebook’s breaches of personal privacy were not the result of some software screw up(拧紧;扭歪,把弄糟), but a calculated business decision to further the social network’s own financial ends by trampling over people’s rights.
Apart from exposing more and more of users’ profiles, pictures and postings to the public at large, Facebook also launched a program to share such personal information with other websites. To prevent that from happening, users then had to go to all the pains of instructing the sites concerned (such as Yelp and Pandora) that their personal information be kept private.
No surprise that lawmakers, goaded by civil-liberties groups, began to get antsy(adj. 不耐烦的,坐立不安的,紧张的). With investigations threatened by Congress and the Federal Trade Commission, Facebook finally realised it had gone too far. Some fast footwork(n. 步法,要跑腿的工作,熟练的操作) followed in a bid(企图) to defuse the outrage. On May 24th, Facebook’s founder and chief executive, Mark Zuckerberg, took to the pages of the Washington Post to announce that the network’s former privacy rules would be reinstated, along with some simpler privacy controls. Even so, users would still have to opt out(决定退出) of sharing information with third parties, rather than having to opt in to do so.
Before all this came to a head, the lesson your correspondent drew from trying to sever his relationship with Facebook was that it was—and, by all accounts(根据大家所说,人人都这样说), continues to be—an ethically challenged outfit(n.全套服装;一组人;全套装备(工具)) that will continually push the boundaries of acceptable behaviour. There are those who defend such practices, saying that is what entrepreneurs have to do to change the world. Your correspondent disagrees. But there is no denying that Mr Zuckerberg has done much to change, at least, the way people use the internet. It is no accident that close on 500m people—half of all internet users—find Facebook an engaging, enjoyable and even addictive place to wile away(v. 消磨,消遣)
their hours. No other social network comes close—not even MySpace, once the leader of the pack by far, but now with less than half Facebook’s membership.
But Facebook’s bare-knuckled(adj. 不用拳击手套的,不手软的) tactics are hardly the thing for fostering community spirit. They are also the kind of practices that invariably prove counter-productive(adj. 产生相反结果的,事与愿违的) in the long run. Take the rigmarole(n.冗长无聊的废话) it puts users through when they wish to close an account. This is clearly designed to thwart(v 阻挠(击败的努力、计划或野心) fleeing members and verges on the deceitful(在骗人).
Many of those attempting to quit Facebook would be forgiven for thinking they had actually deleted their account, only to find they had merely deactivated it. All their personal details continue to reside on Facebook’s servers. They can still receive spam(v. 兜售信息;n. 垃圾电子邮件) from Facebook and its clients, and be “tagged” in photos that others post. And woe(n 悲痛;不幸) betide(v. 发生于,降临于)
the naïf who tries to log back into Facebook within 14 days—if only to confirm his account had actually been deleted. All the user’s former settings will instantly be reactivated as if nothing had ever happened.
A year ago, your correspondent learned the hard way(从艰苦中学习). After several abortive attempts to say goodbye, he finally found a link buried five clicks down in Facebook’s online help page that offered an escape route. Fortunately, he was not using a Facebook app on his mobile phone, nor the “Facebook Connect” authentication service(认证服务) to log into other websites. Otherwise, he would have had to delete these first before attempting to kill his Facebook account.
The coup de grâce was eventually administered by navigating to the bottom of Facebook’s home page and clicking on the help link. At the “Help Center” page, a search for “Delete Facebook” brought up the site’s “FAQ” page—which listed, among other things, the item “I want to permanently delete my account”. After clicking that link, Facebook still tried to persuade fleeing users like your correspondent merely to deactivate their accounts rather than delete them. Ignoring such threats and pleas, the answer was to click the “Delete My Account” link and put up with further reminders that this represented permanent deletion (oh joy!); and that all the content added to the account over the years would be lost for good (hurray(int. (表示欢喜、鼓舞、赞成等)好哇)!). Like intrepid escapees before him, your correspondent bravely clicked the “Submit” button.
To be on the safe side, he has never revisited Facebook since resigning his membership—and is unsure whether this escape route still works. He has Googled his name in conjunction with(连同,共同,与 ... 协力) Facebook and found no reference. He assumes his profile has been expunged from the network’s servers, though he has no way of checking. Others have noted that if you try to re-register using your old e-mail address, Facebook will curtly(n. 简短地) inform you that the address is currently in use. He has not tried to do so, and therefore does not know whether Facebook still keeps a record of previous inmates(n.囚徒,(精神病院等中的)被收容者).
But here’s the quandary. Your correspondent’s daughter has just turned 13, and is now officially old enough to have a Facebook account. Since she is one of the youngest in her class, most of her school pals are already using the social network to swap(v. 交换,用 ... 作交易) snaps and gossip, and even helpful hints about homework. Should he let her join the fray?
Reluctantly, he has decided to do so—though with all the necessary provisos(n. 附文,条件). Facebook’s 500m innocents-at-large are prey to every imaginable online predator, paedophile(n. 恋童癖者), spammer(n. 垃圾邮件发送者), scammer(n. 诡计) and ne’er-do-wel(无用的井)l. Nevertheless, he feels reasonably confident that he can lock down her account, given Mr Zuckerman’s three recent revisions to Facebook’s privacy settings: the ability now to set a default privacy level for a user’s account; the restoration of Facebook Connect’s original privacy controls (without which users’ likes, interests, education, history of employment, hometown and current location were automatically made public); and the revival of the user’s former ability to opt out of sharing information with the whole, wide world.
There is one further requirement he will insist upon: that he be allowed to become a Facebook friend as well as a father, free to read the group’s discussions. Whether he actually does so or not is another matter. One way or another, though, it does mean he’ll have to rejoin the Facebook horde(n.群众,一大群).

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发表于 2010-6-11 10:31:02 |只看该作者
本帖最后由 shevava 于 2010-6-11 10:35 编辑

引自lynnuana...学习贴



When Artists Distort History 艺术vs现实

Written by Lance Morrow(TIME
)


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King Richard III
was a monster. He poisoned his wife, stole the throne from his two young nephews and ordered them to be smothered in the Tower of London. Richard was a sort of Antichrist the King -- "that bottled spider, that pois'nous bunch-back'd toad."

Anyway, that was Shakespeare's version. Shakespeare did what the playwright does: he turned history into a vivid, articulate, organized dream -- repeatable nightly. He put the crouchback onstage, and sold tickets.

And who would say that the real Richard known to family and friends was not identical to Shakespeare's memorably loathsome creation? The actual Richard went dimming into the past and vanished. When all the eyewitnesses are gone, the artist's imagination begins to conjure.


变体
on the King Richard Effect are at work in Oliver Stone's JFK. Richard III was art, but it was propaganda too. Shakespeare took the details of his plot from Tudor
都德 historians who wanted to blacken Richard's name. Several centuries passed before other historians began to write about Richard's virtues and suggest that he may have been a victim of Tudor malice and what is the cleverest conspiracy of all: art.: p" c. D1 T/ I, ~
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JFK is a long and powerful harangue about the death of the man Stone keeps calling "the slain young king." What are the rules of Stone's game? Is Stone functioning as commercial entertainer? Propagandist? Documentary filmmaker? Historian? Journalist? Fantasist? Sensationalist? Paranoid conspiracy-monger? Lone hero crusading for the truth against a venal Establishment? Answer: some of the above.
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The first superficial effect of JFK is to raise angry little scruples like welts in the conscience. Wouldn't it be absurd if a generation of younger Americans, with no memory of 1963, were to form their ideas about John Kennedy's assassination from Oliver Stone's report of it? But worse things have happened -- including, perhaps, the Warren Commission report.

Stone's movie and the Warren report are interestingly symmetrical: the Warren Commission was stolidly, one might say pathologically, unsuspicious, while in every scene of the Stone film conspiracy theories writhe underfoot like snakes. In a strange way, the two reports balance one another out. It may be ridiculous to accord Stone's movie a status coequal with the Warren report. On the other hand, the Warren report has endured through the years as a monolith of obscure suppression, a smooth tomb of denial. Stone's movie, for all its wild gesticulations手势, at least refreshes the memory and gets a long- cold curiosity and contempt glowing again.

The fecklessness of the Warren report somehow makes one less indignant about Stone's methods and the 500 kitchen sinks that he has heaved into his story. His technique is admirable as storytelling and now and then preposterous as historical inquiry. But why should the American people expect a moviemaker to assume responsibility for producing the last word on the Kennedy assassination when the government, historians and news media have all pursued the subject so imperfectly?
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Stone uses a suspect, mongrel art form, and JFK raises the familiar ethical and historical problems of docudrama
文献电视片. But so what? Artists have always used public events as raw material, have taken history into their imaginations and transformed it. The fall of Troy vanished into the Iliad. The Battle of Borodino
found its most memorable permanence in Tolstoy's imagining of it in War and Peace.


艺术与生活~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~7 {; o  y9 @/ K  g" v
Especially in a world of insatiable electronic storytelling, real history procreates, endlessly conjuring new versions of itself. Public life has become a metaphysical breeder of fictions. Watergate became an almost continuous television miniseries -- although it is interesting that the movie of Woodward and Bernstein's All The President's Men stayed close to the known facts and, unlike JFK, did not validate dark conjecture.
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Some public figures have a story magic, and some do not. Richard Nixon possesses an indefinable, discomfited dark gleam that somehow fascinates. And John Kennedy, despite everything, still has the bright glamour that works best of all. Works, that is, except when the subject is his assassination. That may be a matter still too sacred, too raw and unassimilated. The long American passivity about the death in Dallas may be a sort of hypnosis -- or a grief that hardened into a will not to know. Do not let daylight in upon magic.


Why is Stone's movie different from any other imaginative treatment of history? Is it because the assassination of John Kennedy was so traumatic, the baby boomers' End of Childhood? Or that Americans have enshrined it as official tragedy, a title that confers immunity from profane revisionists who would reopen the grave? Are artists and moviemakers by such logic enjoined from stories about the Holocaust大屠杀? The Holocaust, of course, is known from the outset to be a satanic plot. For some reason -- a native individualism, maybe -- many Americans resist dark theories about J.F.K.'s death, and think those retailing them are peddling foreign, anarchist goods. Real Americans hate conspiracies as something unclean.0 B' \5 r+ q8 O, m9 r0 a) B+ I
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Perhaps the memory of the assassination is simply too fresh. An outraged movie like Stone's intrudes upon a semipermanent mourning. Maybe the subject should be embargoed for some period of time, withheld from artists and entertainers, in the same way the Catholic Church once declined to consider sainthood until the person in question had been dead for 50 years.

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No: better to opt for information and conjecture and the exhumation of all theories. Let a hundred flowers bloom, even if some of them are poisonous and paranoid. A culture is what it remembers, and what it knows.
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【参考译文】论艺术家扭曲史实 & w- {& `/ V2 \2 Q; Z$ t2 a
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(1)英王理查三世是个魔鬼。他毒死了自己的妻子,篡夺原属于两个年轻侄儿的王位,还下令在伦敦塔中让他们窒息而死。理查可说是一位撒旦似的国王——“那瓶中的蜘蛛,那阴毒的驼背蟾蜍。

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(2)至少这是莎士比亚的说法。莎士比亚所做的只是剧作家的本分:把历史转变为鲜明、清晰、条理分明的梦——可以每晚上演。他把这个驼背怪物搬上台,卖票给人看。 7
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(3) 又有谁敢说在亲朋好友眼中的真正的理查不是这样,和莎翁创造出来的那个令人厌恶得难以忘怀的剧中人物不同?真正的理查,随着历史远去而了无踪迹。所有的目击证人都已不在了,艺术家的想像力就开始施展魔力了。 " [% ~$ z  y$ G# ^( x/ n% S' G. e" t
(4) 在奥利佛?斯通的《谁杀了肯尼迪》中可以看到这种理查国王效应的变奏。《理查三世》是艺术,但也是宣传:莎翁剧情的细节取材自同时期的都铎王朝的历史家,而这些人蓄意丑化理查的形象。要过好几百年才有别的历史家出来记述理查的好处,并且暗示理查可能是都铎王朝恶意宣传的牺牲品,也是最巧妙的阴谋——艺术——的牺牲品。

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(5) 《谁》片是有力的长篇大论,主题是一位人物的死亡——斯通一直称为遇害的青年国王的那个人。期通的把戏到底用的是哪种规则?他是扮演提供商业化娱乐的角色?还是宣传家?纪录片电影制作者?历史家?记者?幻想家?危言耸听者?有偏执狂的阴谋论者?独行侠式的英雄,为真理出征,挑战腐败的体制?答案:以上有些是。 4 i1 V( P- R; @8 @
(6) 《谁》片所造成的第一种比较表面化的效果,就是激起观众愤怒的原则问题的小抗议,好像良心上的一道道鞭痕:如果年轻一代的美国人,不复记得1963(肯尼迪遇刺年代),对于肯尼迪遇刺案的观念全凭斯通的报道,这不是太荒谬了吗?可是比这更糟的事也不是没发生过——也许包括华伦委员会报告在内。   q* c$ T7 L* H9 B1 B( Y
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(7)斯通的电影和华伦委员会的报告形成有趣的对称:华伦委员会是反应迟钝,毫无疑心,几乎可以说到了病态的地步:而在斯通电影的每一场戏中,阴谋论像蛇一样在脚下到处窜动。这两种报告很微妙地可以互相平衡。当然,把斯通的片子赋予和华伦报告相同的地位,有点不伦不类。反过来说,华伦报告历经多年至今,像一块巨石般,隐隐压抑着所有不同的说法,好像一座平滑的坟墓,泰然否定一切。斯通的片子虽然从头到尾比手划脚,十分夸张,至少让人重温旧事,让观众心中早已冷却的好奇与轻蔑重新烧了起来。   Q* X& T& L3 x/ A$ ~% L: E/ j
(8) 因为华伦报告如此不痛不痒,所以让观众似乎比较能忍受斯通的手法与他搬到电影中的堆积如山的垃圾。从说故事的角度来看,他的手法高明,从调查史实的角度来看则不时显得荒谬。可是政府、历史学家与新闻媒体追查这个主题都无法令人满意,美国人又怎能指望一位电影人来负责对肯尼迪遇刺案下断语? 3 N9 f% E5 e( Y% s8 E9 C. b# h
(9) 斯通采用的艺术形态是纪录剧情片,这种形态血统不纯正,可靠性也令人怀疑。《谁》片也再度引起关于纪录剧情片的道德性、历史性问题。可是这又怎样?艺术家一向都采用公共事件做原始素材,把历史纳入想象中加以改造。特洛伊城的陷落淹没在《伊利亚特》中。波罗金诺之役能够不朽,永为后人追忆的,不是史实,而是托尔斯泰在《战争与和平》中的想象。 6 n0 f" B7 L5 L( \$ j* d' U
(10)尤其在电子媒体无止境渴求故事的今日,真实历史不断创造、繁衍出千奇百怪的新版本。公共人物的生活好像成了虚构故事的哺育者。水门事件爆发后,变成几乎不间断的电视迷你剧集——不过有一点颇堪玩味:描写伍华德与伯恩斯坦揭发水门事件的《大阴谋》一片紧守已知的事实,不像《谁》片把阴暗的揣测当真。 * S1 c# k0 g. W" A. |# z
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有些公共人物有成为故事的魅力,有些则不然。尼克松有一种不可名状的、好像要掩饰什么的阴暗的光芒,产生一种莫明的吸引力。肯尼迪不论如何还是有他灿烂的光彩,最适合编故事。或许应该说,他遇刺这个故事除外。这个主题可能还是太神圣、太生硬,还没有消化完毕。美国人长久以来对达拉斯市那宗死亡事件一直处于被动、消极状态,这可能是一种催眠——也可能是悲痛化为不愿去了解的意志。神奇的事物不要摊在阳光下。

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斯通的电影和别人利用历史做想象的素材为什么感觉不同?是否因为肯尼迪遇刺造成太深的心理创痛,象征了婴儿潮一代童年的结束?还是因为美国人把它当做国家悲剧供奉起来,使它得以免于被亵渎神明的翻案者从坟墓中挖出来?依此逻辑,艺术家与电影人是否就禁止用纳粹大屠杀来做故事材料?当然,纳粹大屠杀不同,打从一开始很清楚就是撒旦式的情节。许多美国人不知何故——也许天生的个人主义的关系吧——会排斥关于肯尼迪之死的阴谋论,而且认为兜售阴谋论的人是在贩卖外国无政府主义的货物。真正的美国人好像把阴谋看成不洁的事物而讨厌它。

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也许只是因为对刺杀肯尼迪案的记忆还太鲜明了。像斯通这种忿忿不平的电影侵犯到美国人近乎永恒的哀悼。也许这个题材应该禁用一段时间,不准艺术家和娱乐界人士使用,就像天主教从前不愿考虑把死亡未满50年的人封为圣徒一样。

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发表于 2010-6-11 11:06:48 |只看该作者
引自bela...学习贴

American politics

Democracy in America

Marriage, mobility and race


May 22nd 2010, 15:47 by C.H. | CHICAGO

THE recession decimated many Americans, but we are all familiar with the stories of those “hit particularly hard”—the middle-aged lineman in Michigan, the construction worker in Nevada or the youth struggling to enter the labour market. Black Americans rank especially high on this dismal list. The Centre for American Progress argued that black men are becoming even more detached from the labour market. The National Review debated the cause of the “racial recession”. The Economic Policy Institute noted that black Americans had struggled to recover from the recession of 2001.

lineman: one who sets up or repairs electric wire communication or power lines ― called also linesman


But beneath this cyclical discussion is an even more troubling trend. In the long American quest to move up升级, black children fare much worse than white ones. Most notably, this is true of children of all incomes. Those born to middle-class black families are more likely to fall down the ladder than white, middle-class children. The question is why?

move up: to get a better job in a company, or change to a more advanced group, higher rank, or higher level

fare: GET ALONG, SUCCEED <how did you fare on your exam?>


Researchers have slowly tried to find an answer. A new report from the Pew Charitable Trusts examines a main hypothesis: family structure. Marriage is known to have positive effects on children. The children of wed parents are less likely to drop out, become pregnant as teenagers, or leave school and not get a job. Pew’s study, by Thomas DeLeire and Leonard Lopoo, poses two questions. How does marriage affect children’s chance of climbing to an upper rung as adults? And does family structure account for black children’s struggle to move up? In the study’s sample only 60% of black parents were continuously married, compared with 87% of white parents. Black parents were more likely to have a divorce than white parents, 18% to 13%. And black children were much more likely to be born to single mothers, 22% to 1%.

Messrs DeLeire and Lopoo find that marriage has a positive effect on economic mobility for children of all races. Among those who are born in the bottom third of the income distribution, 50% of those born to married parents climbed to the middle or top third as adults. Only 26% of those whose parents divorce moved up. Somewhat surprisingly, a greater share of those born to single mothers moved up, 42%, but the size of this sample is relatively small.

Nevertheless, marriage explains only part of the gap in mobility rates between white and black children. Fifty-six percent of all black children in the middle class fall to the bottom third as adults, compared with 30% of white children. But when parents are continuously married, this 26-point gap shrinks to 12 points. For many other measures, though, family structure only slightly reduced the racial gap in mobility rates. "On the whole, family structure is not the culprit," explains Mr DeLeire. Efforts to support marriage are worthwhile. But they are certainly not sufficient.

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发表于 2010-6-11 12:09:15 |只看该作者

Technology and complexity

In praise of techno-austerity

The technology industry seems to be coming round to the idea that less is more

Jun 10th 2010

AUSTERITY is a word much found on the lips of politicians and economists at the moment; but it is seldom heard from technologists. And although the idea that “less is more” has many adherents in architecture, design and fashion, the technology industry has historically espoused the opposite view. Products should have as many features as possible; and next year’s version should have even more. As prices fall, what starts off as a fancy(n.爱好;想象力;设想) new feature quickly becomes commonplace—try buying a phone without a camera, or a car without electric windows—prompting companies to add new features in an effort to outdo(vt.超过;胜过) their rivals. Never mind if nobody uses most of these new features (this article is being typed into word-processing software from 1997, for instance, but it seems to work perfectly well). In an arms race, more is always more.

But now there are signs that technologists are waking up to the benefits of minimalism, thanks to two things: feature fatigue among consumers who simply want things to work, and strong demand from less affluent consumers in the developing world. It is telling that the market value of Apple, the company most closely associated with simple, elegant high-tech products, recently overtook that of Microsoft, the company with the most notorious case of new-featuritis. True, Apple’s products contain lots of features under the hood(conj. 在后台,在底层), but the company has a knack for concealing such complexity using elegant design. Other companies have also prospered by providing easy-to-use products: think of the Nintendo Wii video-games console or the Flip video camera. Gadgets are no longer just for geeks, and if technology is to appeal to a broad audience, simplicity trumps fancy specifications.

Another strand of techno-austerity can be found in software that keeps things simple in order to reduce distractions and ensure that computer-users remain focused and productive. Many word processors now have special full-screen modes, so that all unnecessary and distracting menus, palettes and so on are disabled or hidden; rather than fiddling(vi.拨弄;胡混) with font sizes or checking e-mail, you are encouraged to get on with your writing. If the temptation to have a quick look at Facebook proves too much, there are programs that will disable access to particular websites at specified times of day; and if that is not draconian enough, there are even some programs that can block internet access altogether (see Technology Quarterly). A computer on which some features are not present, or have been deliberately disabled, may in fact be more useful if you are trying to get things done. There are no distracting hyperlinks on a typewriter.

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Frugality is the mother of invention

And then there is the phenomenon of “frugal” innovation—the new ideas that emerge when trying to reduce the cost of something in order to make it affordable to consumers in places like China, India and Brazil. The resulting products often turn out to have huge appeal in the rich world too, especially in an era of belt-tightening. The netbook, or low-cost laptop, was inspired by a scheme to produce cheap laptops for children in poor countries, but has since proved popular with consumers around the world. Tata devised the Nano, the world’s cheapest car, with India’s emerging middle classes in mind; it is now planning to launch it in Europe, too, where there is growing demand for cheap, simple vehicles.

All this offers grounds for hope. If the feature-obsessed technology industry can change its tune, perhaps there is a chance that governments—which have also tended to be inveterate believers in the idea that more is more—might also come to appreciate the merits of minimalism.

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发表于 2010-6-11 14:16:24 |只看该作者
本帖最后由 shevava 于 2010-6-11 14:17 编辑


The Republicans


What's wrong with America's right


Too much anger and too few ideas. America needs a better alternative to Barack Obama


Jun 10th 2010



HAPPY days are here again for the Republicans, or so you might think. Barack Obama’s popularity rating is sagging well below 50%. Passing health-care reform has done nothing to help him; most Americans believe he has wasted their money—and their view of how he is dealing with the economy is no less jaded(同样厌倦). Although growth has returned, the latest jobs figures are dismal and house repossessions continue to rise. And now his perceived failure to get a grip(改进行为) on the oil spill in the Gulf of Mexico is hurting him; some critics call it his Hurricane Katrina; others recall Jimmy Carter’s long, enervating hostage(n. 人质, 抵押品) crisis in Iran. Sixty per cent of Americans think the country is on the wrong track.


All 435 seats in the House are up for grabs in November. The polls portend heavy losses for the Democrats, who currently enjoy a 39-seat majority there. Quite possibly, they will lose control of it. The Republicans stand less chance of winning the Senate, where a third of the seats are contested this year, but they should win enough to make it almost impossible for the Democrats to break a filibuster(v /n 防碍议事通过(作冗长的演说以妨碍议事);阻挠(立法)) there by picking off a Republican or two. The second two years of Mr Obama’s presidency look like being a lot tougher than the first.



Malice in Wonderland (
恶意仙境)


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Mr Obama deserves to be pegged back. This newspaper supported him in 2008 and backed his disappointing-but-necessary health-care plan. But he has done little to fix the deficit, shown a zeal for big government and all too often given the impression that capitalism is something unpleasant he found on the sole of his sneaker. America desperately(ad.绝望地;拼命地) needs a strong opposition. So it is sad to report that the American right is in a mess: fratricidal(adj. 杀兄弟的,同族互杀的), increasingly extreme on many issues and woefully short of ideas, let alone solutions.


This matters far beyond America’s shores. For most of the past half-century, conservative America has been a wellspring of new ideas—especially about slimming(a.苗条的;薄的;(机会)少的) government. At a time when redesigning the state is a priority around the world, the right’s dysfunctionality is especially unfortunate.


The Republicans at the moment are less a party than an ongoing civil war (with, from a centrist point of view, the wrong side usually winning). There is a dwindling band of moderate Republicans who understand that they have to work with the Democrats in the interests of America. There is the old intolerant, gun-toting, immigrant-bashing, mainly southern right which sees any form of co-operation as treachery, even blasphemy. And muddying the whole picture is the tea-party movement(茶党运动), a tax revolt(税收反抗) whose activists (some clever, some dotty, all angry) seem to loathe Bush-era free-spending Republicans as much as they hate Democrats. Egged on(唆使,诱导) by a hysterical blogosphere(歇斯底里的博客) and the ravings(n. 胡言乱语,疯话) of Fox News blowhards, the Republican Party has turned upon itself (see article).


Optimists say this is no more than the vigorous debate that defines the American primary system. They rightly point out that American conservatism has always been a broad church and the battle is not all one way. This week California’s Republicans chose two relatively moderate former chief executives, Meg Whitman and Carly Fiorina, to run for governor and the Senate. But both had to dive to the right to win, which will not help them in November. And in neighbouring Nevada the Republicans chose a tea-partier so extreme that she may yet allow Harry Reid, the unloved Democratic Senate leader, to hang on to his seat. Many of the battles are indeed nastier(a.令人讨厌的;困难的;恶劣的;下流的) than normal: witness the squabble(v /n (由琐事而引发的)争吵(程度大于tiff,小于quarreldispute) in Florida, where the popular governor, Charlie Crist, has left the party; Senator Lindsey Graham walking away from climate-change legislation for fear of vile personal attacks; and even John McCain, who has battled with the southern-fried crazies in his party for decades, joining the chorus against Mexican “illegals” to keep his seat.


As for ideas, the Republicans seem to be reducing themselves into exactly what the Democrats say they are: the nasty party of No. They may well lambast Mr Obama for expanding the federal deficit; but it is less impressive when they are unable to suggest alternatives. Paul Ryan, a bright young congressman from Wisconsin, has a plan to restore the budget to balance; it has sunk without a trace. During the row over health care, the right demanded smaller deficits but refused to countenance(v 支持,赞成=approvetoleraten 面容=visage;表情) any cuts in medical spending on the elderly. Cutting back military spending is denounced as surrender(v 投降;让与(为他人的利益而放弃);归还) to the enemy. Tax rises of any kind (even allowing the unaffordable Bush tax cuts to expire as scheduled) are evil.


This lack of coherence extends beyond the deficit. Do Republicans favour state bail-outs(紧急救助) for banks or not? If they are against them, as they protest, why are they doing everything they can to sabotage a financial-reform bill that will make them less likely? Is the party of “drill, baby, drill” in favour of tighter regulation of oil companies or not? If not, why is it berating Mr Obama for events a mile beneath the ocean? Many of America’s most prominent business leaders are privately as disappointed by the right as they are by the statist Mr Obama.




Down the rabbit hole and beyond the Palin


Out of power, a party can get away with such negative ambiguity; the business of an opposition is to oppose. The real problem for the political right may well come if it wins in November. Just as the party found after it seized Congress in 1994, voters expect solutions, not just rage. The electorate jumped back into Bill Clinton’s arms in 1996. Business conservatives are scouting(vi.侦察) desperately for an efficient centrist governor (or perhaps general) to run against Mr Obama in 2012. But tea-party-driven success in the mid-terms could foster the illusion that the Republicans lost the White House because Mr McCain was insufficiently close to their base. That logic is more likely to lead to Palin-Huckabee in 2012 than, say, Petraeus-Daniels.



Britain’s Conservatives, cast out of power after 18 years in 1997, made that mistake, trying a succession of right-wingers. Only with the accession of the centrist David Cameron in 2005 did the party begin to recover as he set about changing its rhetoric. There may be a lesson in that for the Republicans—and it is not too late to take it.


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发表于 2010-6-15 17:39:05 |只看该作者

Economics focus

Socialist workers

Is China’s labour market at a turning-point?

Jun 10th 2010

ON JUNE 7th strikers at a rubber factory(橡胶厂) near Shanghai clashed with Chinese police. “The smell from the rubber is unbearable,” a migrant worker told the South China Morning Post, “but we don’t even get a toxic fumes subsidy.” On the same day Honda suffered a strike(罢工) in a factory that makes its mufflers and exhaust parts(消声器和排气部件), less than a week after it settled an earlier dispute by offering a 24% pay rise. On June 6th the owner of Foxconn, an electronics-maker, said that workers at its Shenzhen complex could earn 2,000 yuan ($293) a month from October if their work was up to scratch(达到标准), about double the basic pay it previously offered, following a string of widely publicised suicides.

China is known for its plentiful, pliable workers. But these incidents have cast doubt on that caricature(n.讽刺();漫画). In March Arthur Kroeber of GaveKal Dragonomics, a consultancy, declared the “end of surplus labour” in China. Three years earlier, Cai Fang of the Chinese Academy of Social Sciences argued that China, a country of 1.3 billion people, would soon run short of workers.

China’s labour supply is still growing. Its working-age population will increase from almost 977m in 2010 to about 993m in 2015, according to projections issued in December by the US census bureau (see left-hand chart). But the number of youngsters (15-24-year-olds) entering the labour force will fall by almost 30% over the next ten years. These projections reconcile the results of a full census in 2000 and a mini-census in 2005. They differ from the calculations reported in this newspaper on September 6th 2008 (“Reserve army of underemployed”), which suggested that the supply of twenty-somethings(20岁的年轻人) would not peak until after 2015.

Related items

The ageing of China’s labour force matters, because older workers are less willing to move to the coastal factories that depend on migrant labour. Mr Cai has calculated that 24% of villagers aged 16-30 migrate, compared with only 11% of those in their 40s. “For years, businesses have simply assumed that China has an unlimited supply of young people who can be had for modest wages and replaced at will,” Mr Kroeber writes.

The assumption goes back a long way. In 1954 Sir Arthur Lewis, a development economist, noted Asia’s overmanned farms, its surfeit of dockworkers and petty traders, and “the young men who rush forward asking to carry your bag”. He concluded that “over the greater part of Asia, labour is unlimited in supply.” Islands of capitalism existed amid(prep.中间,在之中,被围绕) a sea of subsistence labour. For as long as that were true, the capitalist enclaves could grow without wages rising: they only had to offer workers a little more than could be scraped together in the vast economic hinterland(在广阔的经济腹地). But eventually, the economy would reach a turning-point. The capitalist enclaves would reach so deeply into the country’s pool of labour that the remaining supply of farmers, traders, dockworkers and bag-carriers would fall short of demand. At this point, the economy could not grow without wages rising.

Mr Cai believes China has already reached this “Lewisian turning-point” and that its arrival can be seen in more assertive workers and wage rises. As Mr Cai and his colleagues wrote presciently last year, the turn “enhances the labourers’ right to speak in the labourer-employer negotiation because labourers can impose stress on employers through voting with [their] feet.” The pay hikes(n. 徒步旅行,远足,涨价) won by labourers at Honda and Foxconn are unusually big. Some cities, such as Beijing, have announced increases in their minimum wages of up to 20%. If wages continued to rise at this pace, it would mark a hairpin turn(急转弯) in China’s labour market.

Such an abrupt change is hard to explain by demography alone, however. The supply of mobile youngsters may be about to fall but it is still higher than it was five or ten years ago, when the cohort(n. 同党,同事) of youngsters was unusually small. This baby bust was a demographic echo of the rural famines that haunted China from 1958 to 1961, reducing the size of the cohort that would have been their parents (see right-hand chart).


Returning point

In fact, there are good reasons to doubt that the turning-point is here. The pay hikes follow a period of wage freezes during the financial crisis, points out Tao Wang of UBS. By themselves, the pay rises mostly make up for ground lost last year. China’s economic hinterland(n.内地,穷乡僻壤) remains vast. About 40% of the country’s labour force remain in agriculture, where their productivity is about one-sixth of its level in the rest of the economy. The share is also falling quite slowly: Richard Herd and his colleagues at the OECD think it will take another decade for it to drop to 25%.

Sir Arthur offered several reasons why wages might rise even before a country reached its turning-point. The “subsistence” wage itself might rise, for example. “The subsistence level is only a conventional idea, and conventions change,” Sir Arthur pointed out. Migrants are less willing to leave home because conditions in China’s hinterland have improved. “‘Home’ now has running water, electricity, highways, even internet access,” says Ha Jiming of CICC, an investment bank. A government survey of returned migrants found that 30% were not sure whether to venture out again, compared with 24% two years ago.

Sir Arthur also pointed out that there was often a gap between the wages paid in the capitalist economy and the subsistence earnings in the hinterland. Where the islands of capitalism met the sea of subsistence labour, there was not a “beach”, but a “cliff”. To tempt workers over that cliff, firms have to pay a premiumfumes subsidies(烟雾补贴) and the like. With the ageing of the Chinese workforce that premium may rise. But again, this does not in itself mark the turning-point.

That moment will come, of course. When it does wages will rise, eroding the return on capital(削弱了资本回报率). But as Sir Arthur argued, workers are not the only ones who can migrate. Capitalists can also go to where workers are abundant. First, labour-intensive factories will move inland. Eventually they will depart China altogether, just as they left Japan and Taiwan before it. That, after all, is why Honda and Foxconn opened plants there in the first place.

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发表于 2010-6-15 18:09:36 |只看该作者
本帖最后由 shevava 于 2010-6-15 18:10 编辑

学习贴...by lynn

The promise of technology is to simplify our lives, it is failing
Information overload
http://www.economist.com/debate/overview/125

------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------
About this debate
Backgroud reading
Openning statements
Guest
Rebuttal statements
Guest  A & B
Closing statements
Guest
Winner announcement

About this debate
Technology users are discovering that theproliferation n.激增of information tools, services, and channels makes managing their own personal and professional information increasingly difficult. A growing chorus of voices is sounding the alarm that information overload is diminishing people’s ability be effective. Are there better ways to manage the vast amounts of information assaulting v. 攻击;袭击; users on a daily basis? What is the right balance between new tools and information streams, on the one hand, and minimizing the impact of information overload on the other? Are people losing their ability to reflect rather than just react?

Background reading

SURVEY: INFORMATION TECHNOLOGY

Make it simple

The next thing in technology, says Andreas Kluth, is not just big but truly huge: the conquest of complexity

Oct 28th 2004 | From The Economist print edition

“THE computer knows me as its enemy,” says John Maeda. “Everything I touch doesn't work.” Take those “plug-and-play” n. 即插即用 devices, such as printers and digital cameras, that any personal computer (PC) allegedly adv. 依其申述 recognises automatically as soon as they are plugged into an orifice called a USB port at the back of the PC. Whenever Mr Maeda plugs something in, he says, his PC sends a long and incomprehensible error message from Windows, Microsoft's ubiquitous adj. 到处存在的,遍在的 operating system. But he knows from bitter experience that the gist n. 要点,要旨 of it is no.
At first glance, Mr Maeda's troubles might not seem very noteworthy. Who has not watched Windows crash and reboot v. 重新启动without provocation n.  激怒, 挑拨, 刺激, downloaded endless anti-virus programs to reclaim a moribund adj.垂死的 hard disc, fiddled with用手胡乱拨弄 cables and settings to hook up ... 联接起来 a printer, and sometimes simply given up? Yet Mr Maeda is not just any old technophobic user. He has a master's degree in computer science and a PhD in interface n. 界面,接触面 design, and is currently a professor in computer design at the Massachusetts Institute of Technology (MIT). He is, in short, one of the world's foremost computer geeks n.男孩, 伙计. Mr Maeda concluded that if he, of all people, cannot master the technology needed to use computers effectively, it is time to declare a crisis. So, earlier this year, he launched a new research initiative called “Simplicity” at the MIT Media Lab. Its mission is to look for ways out of today's mess.
Mr Maeda has plenty of sympathisers. “It is time for us to rise up with a profound demand,” declared the late Michael Dertouzos in his 2001 book, “The Unfinished Revolution”: “Make our computers simpler to use!” Donald Norman, a long-standing advocate of design simplicity, concurs. v. 意见相同,一致,互助 “Today's technology is intrusive adj.  打扰的, 插入的 and overbearing. adj. 难忍的 It leaves us with no moments of silence, with less time to ourselves, with a sense of diminished control over our lives,” he writes in his book, “The Invisible Computer”. “People are analogue, not digital; biological, not mechanical. It is time for human-centred technology, a humane technology.”


The information-technology (IT) industry itself is long past denial. Greg Papadopoulos, chief technologist at Sun Microsystems, a maker of powerful corporate computers, says that IT today is “in a state that we should be ashamed; it's embarrassing.” Ray Lane, a venture capitalist at Kleiner Perkins Caufield & Byers, one of the most prominent adj.  卓越的, 突出的, 显著的technology financiers in Silicon Valley, explains: “Complexity is holding our industry back right now. A lot of what is bought and paid for doesn't get implemented because of complexity. Maybe this is the industry's biggest challenge.” Even Microsoft, which people like Mr Lane identify as a prime culprit, is apologetic. “So far, most people would say that technology has made life more complex,” concedes Chris Capossela, the boss of Microsoft's desktop applications.例子
The economic costs of IT complexity are hard to quantify but probably exorbitant. adj.过度的,过高的The Standish Group, a research outfit v.装配,配置that tracks corporate IT purchases, has found that 66% of all IT projects either fail outright ad.坦率地;彻底地or take much longer to install than expected because of their complexity. Among very big IT projects—those costing over $10m apiece—98% fall short.
Gartner, another research firm, uses other proxies n.取代物; 代理权; for complexity. An average firm's computer networks are down for an unplanned 175 hours a year, calculates Gartner, causing an average loss of over $7m. On top of that, employees waste an average of one week a year struggling with their recalcitrant PCs. And itinerant employees, such as salesmen, incur an extra $4,400 a year in IT costs, says the firm.
Tony Picardi, a boffin n. <>专注于科技研究(尤指军事)的科学家at IDC, yet another big research firm, comes up with perhaps the most frightening number. When he polled v....进行民意测验;投票 a sample of firms 15 years ago, they were spending 75% of their IT budget on new hardware and software and 25% on fixing the systems that they already had; now that ratio has been reversed—70-80% of IT spending goes on fixing things rather than buying new systems. According to Mr Picardi, this suggests that this year alone IT complexity will cost firms worldwide some $750 billion. Even this, however, does not account for the burden on consumers, whether measured in the cost of call-centres and help desks, in the amount of gadgets and features never used because they are so byzantine adj.错综复杂的, or in sheer adj.十足的,完全的 frustration.
Why now?
Complaints about complex technology are, of course, nothing new. Arguably, IT has become more complex in each of the 45 years since the integrated circuit made its debut. n. 初次登场,首次露面But a few things have happened in the past three years that now add a greater sense of urgency.
The most obvious change is the IT bust that followed the dotcom n. 商业网站,网站boom繁荣,激增,猛涨 of the late 1990s. After a decade of strong growth, the IT industry suddenly started shrinking in 2001 (see chart 1). In early 2000 it accounted for 35% of America's S&P 500 index; today its share is down to about 15%. “For the past three years, the tech industry's old formula—build it and they come—has no longer worked,” says Pip Coburn, a technology analyst at UBS, an investment bank. For technology vendors, he thinks, this is the sort of trauma挫折,损伤 that precedes a paradigm n. 范例,示范shift. Customers no longer demand “hot” technologies, but instead want “cold” technologies, such as integration software, that help them stitch v.,缝补together and simplify the fancy systems they bought during the boom years.
Steven Milunovich, an analyst at Merrill Lynch, another bank, offers a further reason why simplicity is only now becoming a big issue. He argues that the IT industry progresses in 15-year waves. In the first wave, during the 1970s and early 1980s, companies installed big mainframe n. 主机,大型计算机computers; in the second wave, they put in PCs that were hooked up to “server” computers in the basement; and in the third wave, which is breaking now, they are beginning to connect every gadget n.  小器具; 小玩意; 小配件 that employees might use, from hand-held computers to mobile phones, to the internet.
The mainframe era, says Mr Milunovich, was dominated by proprietary adj. 专利的,所有权的technology (above all, IBM's), used mostly to automate the back offices of companies, so the number of people actually working with it was small. In the PC era, de facto adj. 事实上的,实际的standards (ie, Microsoft's) ruled, and technology was used for word processors and spreadsheets n.  电子制表软件, 电子数据表to make companies' front offices more productive, so the number of people using technology multiplied tenfold. adv. 成十倍,成十重And in the internet era, Mr Milunovich says, de jure法律上地; 权利上地standards (those agreed on by industry consortia) are taking over, and every single employee will be expected to use technology, resulting in another tenfold increase in numbers.
Moreover, the boundaries between office, car and home will become increasingly blurred and will eventually disappear altogether. In rich countries, virtually the entire population will be expected to be permanently connected to the internet, both as employees and as consumers. This will at last make IT pervasive adj. 普遍的,蔓延的,渗透的 and ubiquitous, adj. 到处存在的,遍在的 like electricity or telephones before it, so the emphasis will shift towards making gadgets and networks simple to use.
UBS's Mr Coburn adds a demographic observation. Today, he says, some 70% of the world's population are “analogues”, who are “terrified by technology”, and for whom the pain of technology “is not just the time it takes to figure out new gadgets but the pain of feeling stupid at each moment along the way”. Another 15% are “digital immigrants”, typically thirty-somethings who adopted technology as young adults; and the other 15% are “digital natives”, teenagers and young adults who have never known and cannot imagine life without IM (instant messaging, in case you are an analogue). But a decade from now, Mr Coburn says, virtually the entire population will be digital natives or immigrants, as the ageing analogues convert to avoid social isolation. Once again, the needs of these converts point to a hugely increased demand for simplicity.
The question is whether this sort of technology can ever become simple, and if so, how. This survey will analyse the causes of technological complexity both for firms and for consumers, evaluate the main efforts toward simplification by IT and telecom vendors today, and consider what the growing demands for simplicity mean for these industries. A good place to start is in the past.

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RE: 决战1010精英组 Economist阅读汇—— shevava [修改]

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