每日一星 丘吉尔 Churchill

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先道歉的说，昨天本来要发的，结果晚上7点就睡着了，而且一觉到天亮……
偶是很守信用的，sigh~

好了，文章来源http://www.grolier.com
http://www.fordham.edu/
http://www.brainyquote.com/

好了，差不多就这么多，还有这个巨牛的网站，简直就是丘吉尔大全http://www.churchill.nls.ac.uk/main.html

丘吉尔可以在政治类的文章里用到，比如那个“政治家是否应该对公众有所保留”（好长时间没碰，忘了题号了）而且有很多角度，大家可以自己发掘。
至于issue老题题目分类，大家从我那个链接下就可以了。

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SIR WINSTON CHURCHILL, (1874-1965), British leader. English on his father's side, American on his mother's, Sir Winston Leonard Spencer Churchill embodied and expressed the double vitality and the national qualities of both peoples. His names testify to the richness of his historic inheritance: Winston, after the Royalist family with whom the Churchills married before the English Civil War; Leonard, after his remarkable grandfather, Leonard Jerome of New York; Spencer, the married name of a daughter of the 1st duke of Marlborough, from whom the family descended; Churchill, the family name of the 1st duke, which his descendents resumed after the Battle of Waterloo. All these strands come together in a career that had no parallel in British history for richness, range, length, and achievement.

Churchill took a leading part in laying the foundations of the welfare state in Britain, in preparing the Royal Navy for World War I, and in settling the political boundaries in the Middle East after the war. In WORLD WAR II emerged as the leader of the united British nation and Commonwealth to resist the German domination of Europe, as an inspirer of the resistance among free peoples, and as a prime architect of victory. In this, and in the struggle against communism afterward, he made himself an indispensable link between the British and American peoples, for he foresaw that the best defense for the free world was the coming together of the English-speaking peoples. Profoundly historically minded, he also had prophetic foresight: British-American unity was the message of his last great book, A History of the English-Speaking Peoples.

His dominant qualities were courage and imagination. Less obvious to the public, but no less important, was his powerful, original, and fertile intellect. He had intense loyalty, marked magnanimity and generosity, and an affectionate nature with a puckish humor. Oratory, in which he ultimately became a master, he learned the hard way, but he was a natural wit. The artistic side of his temperament was displayed in his writings and oratorical style, as well as in his paintings.

He was a combination of soldier, writer, artist, and statesman. He was not so good as a mere party politician. Like Julius Caesar, he stands out not only as a great man of action, but as a writer of it too. He had genius; as a man he was charming, gay, ebullient, endearing. As for personal defects, such a man was bound to be a great egoist; if that is a defect. So strong a personality was apt to be overbearing. He was something of a gambler, always too willing to take risks. In his earlier career, people thought him of unbalanced judgment partly from the very excess of his energies and gifts. That is the worst that can be said of him. With no other great man is the familiar legend more true to the facts. We know all there is to know about him; there was no disguise.

He was born on Nov. 30, 1874, at Blenheim Palace, the famous palace near Oxford built by the nation for John Churchill, 1st duke of Marlborough, the great soldier. Blenheim, named after Marlborough's grandest victory (1704), meant much to Winston Churchill. In the grounds there he became engaged to his future wife, Clementine Ogilvy Hozier (b. 1885). He later wrote his historical masterpiece, The Life and Times of John Churchill, Duke of Marlborough, with the archives of Blenheim behind him.

His father, Lord Randolph Churchill, was a younger son of the 7th duke of Marlborough. His mother was Jennie Jerome; and as her mother, Clara Hall, was one-quarter Iroquois, Sir Winston had an Indian strain in him. Lord Randolph, a brilliant Conservative leader who had been chancellor of the exchequer in his 30's, died when only 46, after ruining his career. His son wrote that one could not grow up in that household without realizing that there had been a disaster in the background. It was an early spur to him to try to make up for his gifted father's failure, not only in politics and in writing, but on the turf. Young Winston, though the grandson of a duke, had to make his own way in the world, earning his living by his tongue and his pen. In this he had the comradeship of his mother, who was always courageous and undaunted.

In 1888 he entered Harrow, but he never got into the upper school because, always self-willed, he would not study classics. He concentrated on his own language, willingly writing English essays, and he afterward claimed that this was much more profitable to him. In 1894 he graduated from the Royal Military College at Sandhurst. He then was commissioned in the 4th Hussars. On leave in 1895, he went for his first experience of action to serve as a military observer and correspondent with the Spanish forces fighting the guerrillas in Cuba.

Rejoining his regiment, he was sent to serve in India. Here, besides his addiction to polo, he went on seriously with his education, which in his case was very much self-education. His mother sent out to him boxes of books, and Churchill absorbed the whole of Gibbon and Macaulay, and much of Darwin. The influence of the historians is to be observed all through his writings and in his way of looking at things. The influence of Darwin is not less observable in his philosophy of life: that all life is a struggle, the chances of survival favor the fittest, chance is a great element in the game, the game is to be played with courage, and every moment is to be enjoyed to the full. This philosophy served him well throughout his long life. In 1897 he served in the Indian army in the Malakand expedition against the restless tribesmen of the North-West Frontier, and the next year appeared his first book, The Story of the Malakand Field Force. In the same year, 1898, he served with the Tirah expeditionary force, and came home to seek service in General Kitchener's campaign for the reconquest of the Sudan. Once again young Churchill managed to play the dual role of active officer and war correspondent. As such he took part at Omdurman in one of the last classic battles of earlier warfare; cavalry charges, a thin red line of fire against clouds of fanatical dervishes. The Battle of Omdurman was the end of a world. Once more Churchill wrote it up, and the whole campaign, in The River War (2 vols., 1899), a fine example of military history by an eyewitness. He made enemies among the professional soldiers by his frank criticisms of army defects. He entertained himself by writing a novel, Savrola (1900), which curiously anticipates later developments in history, war, and in his own mind.

On the outbreak of the South African War in 1899, he went out as war correspondent for the London Morning Post. Within a month of his arrival, he was captured when acting more as a soldier than as a journalist, by the Boer officer Louis Botha (who subsequently became the first prime minister of the Union of South Africa and a trusted friend). Taken to prison camp in Pretoria, Churchill made a dramatic escape and traveled via Portuguese East Africa back to the fighting front in Natal. His escape made him world-famous overnight. He described his experiences in a couple of journalistic books and made a first lecture tour in the United States. The proceeds from the tour enabled him to enter Parliament (M. P.'s were not paid in those days).

On Jan. 23, 1901, Churchill became member of Parliament for Oldham (Lancashire) as a Conservative. But he had returned from South Africa sympathetic to the Boer cause, and his army experiences had made him extremely critical of its command and administration, which he proceeded to attack all along the line. The tariff proposals of Joseph Chamberlain completed his alienation from the Conservative party, and in 1904 Churchill left the party to join the Liberals. In consequence he was for years execrated by the Conservatives, and was unpopular with army authorities.

As Liberal M. P. for Northwest Manchester and for Dundee, he was in a position to share in the long Liberal run of power and to take his place in one of the ablest British governments in modern times. As undersecretary of state for the colonies he played a considerable part in making a generous peace with the Boers. In 1906, he published the authoritative biography, Lord Randolph Churchill (2 vols.), and in 1908, My African Journey, a first-class example of his lifelong flair for journalism. In this year, 1908, he married and, in his own words, "lived happily ever afterwards." By his marriage to Clementine Hozier there were one son (Randolph) and four daughters (Diana, Sarah, Mary, and one who died in infancy).

As president of the board of trade (1908-1910) and home secretary (1910-1911), he contributed largely to the early legislation of the welfare state. He helped to create labor exchanges, to introduce health and unemployment insurance, to prescribe minimum wages in certain industries, and to limit working hours. As first lord of the admiralty (1911-1915), he was in a key position, as German naval power rose to its peak and modernization of the British fleet became an urgent necessity. Churchill's collaboration with Admiral Lord Fisher to this end was historic: it produced the changeover to oil-fueled ships from coalburning vessels, the creation of a naval air service, and the first development of the tank. With war approaching, Churchill, on his own responsibility, kept the fleet fully mobilized.

With the German onrush through neutral Belgium in 1914, he led a naval detachment to Antwerp, but failed to stem the tide. In 1915 he made himself responsible for the campaign to force the Dardanelles, with the aim of pushing Turkey out of the war, of linking up with Russia, and of taking the Central Powers in the rear. The campaign foundered, partly through bad luck, partly through lack of experience in combined operations. Churchill was made to take the responsibility, and when a coalition government was formed in May 1915, the Conservatives made it a condition that he should be dropped as first lord of the admiralty.

The Dardanelles failure seemed the end of his political career. He took up painting as a hobby and a consolation, and he remained devoted to it for the rest of his life. His accomplishment in the art should not be underestimated. In 1916 he went back to the army, gallantly volunteering for active service on the western front, where he commanded the 6th Royal Scots Fusiliers. But his energy and ability could not be dispensed with, and Prime Minister Lloyd George called him back to become minister of munitions.

At the end of the war, Churchill became secretary of state for war and also for air (1919-1921). In this post he pushed through army reforms and the development of air power, and became a pilot himself. He involved himself in much controversy by backing the efforts of the counterrevolutionaries against the Bolsheviks in Russia. As secretary of state for air and colonies (1921-1922), he took a leading part in establishing the new Arab states in the Middle East, while supporting a Jewish national home in Palestine as an act of historic and humanitarian justice. He was also closely concerned in the negotiations to establish the Irish Free State, and thus earned further Conservative distrust.

Having lost his seat in Parliament in the 1922 elections, Churchill lived in the political wilderness for the next two years. He was able to go forward with his memoirs, The World Crisis (5 vols., 1923-1929), a large canvas. After various attempts to form a central, antisocialist grouping, he went back to the Conservative party in time to become chancellor of the exchequer in Prime Minister Stanley Baldwin's government (1924-1929). He was least happy in this office and ill at ease with economic affairs. During the whole of this disastrous period of 1929-1939, Churchill was out of office. During these years of political frustration he wrote his major works: Marlborough (4 vols., 1933-1938); the first draft of A History of the English-Speaking Peoples (4 vols., 1956-1958); a vivid and characteristic autobiography, My Early Life (1930); a revealing and suggestive book, Thoughts and Adventures (1932); and a volume of brilliant, if generous, portrait sketches, Great Contemporaries (1937). He also began to collect his speeches and newspaper articles warning the country of the wrath to come.

No one would take heed of his reiterated warnings of the folly of attempting to appease HITLER and of the necessity to bring together a "Grand Alliance" against the aggressor powers before it was too late. Baldwin and Chamberlain were too solidly entrenched in power to shift. Churchill tried to rally the right-wing Conservatives against Baldwin's liberal Indian policy, and he backed Edward VIII against Baldwin at the time of the king's abdication in 1936. These weapons broke in his hands, and only lost him support. Appeasement went on to the bitter end.

When war came in 1939, Churchill was inevitably recalled, as first lord of the admiralty. The signal went round the fleet, "Winston is back," a quarter of a century after his first going to the post. But the first wave of German military power overwhelmed Poland in September, and in the spring of 1940 the tidal wave overwhelmed northwestern Europe, followed shortly afterward by the fall of France.

On May 10, 1940, in the midst of this cataract of disasters, Churchill was called to supreme power and responsibility by a spontaneous revolt of the best elements in all parties. He, almost alone of the nation's political leaders, had had no part in the disaster of the 1930's, and he really was chosen by the will of the nation. For the next five years, perhaps the most heroic period in Britain's history, he held supreme command, as prime minister and minister of defense, in the nation's war effort. At this point his life and career became one with Britain's story and its survival.

At first, until 1941, Britain fought on alone. Churchill's task was to inspire resistance at all costs, to organize the defense of the island, and to make it the bastion for an eventual return to the continent of Europe, whose liberation from Nazi tyranny he never doubted. He breathed a new spirit into the government and a new resolve into the nation. Upon becoming prime minister he told the Commons: "I have nothing to offer but blood, toil, tears, and sweat: You ask, what is our policy? I will say: It is to wage war, by sea, land, and air, with all our might. You ask, what is our aim? I can answer in one word: Victory."

Meanwhile he made himself the spokesman for these purposes among all free peoples, as he made Britain a home for all the faithful remnants of the continental governments. These included the Free French, for Churchill had himself picked out Charles DE GAULLE as "the man of destiny." But Churchill's personal relationship with President Franklin D. ROOSEVELT was Britain's lifeline. Britain had lost most of her army equipment in the fall of France and during the evacuation of the British Expeditionary Force from Dunkirk in June. Roosevelt rushed across the Atlantic a supply of weapons that made a beginning.

By the autumn of 1940, Churchill was convinced that Germany could not bring off the invasion of Britain. Secure in this conviction, he took the momentous decision to send one of the only two armored divisions left in Britain to Egypt, to hold the land bridge to the East. Submarine warfare had placed a severe strain on the British navy, and Roosevelt again came to Britain's aid with the lease of 50 destroyers. Churchill took the grievous decision to cripple the French fleet at Oran, Algeria. He could not take the risk of the French navy's being taken over by the Germans, for this probably would have been the end for Britain.

The turning point of the war came in 1941, when Churchill took advantage of his opponents' mistakes. Hitler's invasion of Russia brought Russia into the war, and Churchill seized the opportunity of welcoming a powerful ally with both hands. Japan's attack on Pearl Harbor brought the United States into the war, and Hitler made the mistake of declaring war on the United States. Churchill's unforgettable speech to Congress after Pearl Harbor expressed something of the inspiration and high resolve in the face of mortal danger that he had given his countrymen while they had fought on alone for over a year.

The Grand Alliance to combat aggression that he had had in mind from the 1930's was now a fact. Churchill made himself the linchpin, journeying uncomplaining between Roosevelt and STALIN, though an older man than either. It was possible now to plan the liberation of the world from the aggressors. He and Roosevelt set forth their war aims in the Atlantic Charter, signed aboard the U.S.S. Augusta off Newfoundland in August 1941. The first results of Allied cooperation were the landings in North Africa, the rounding up of the Nazi forces there, and the invasion of Sicily and Italy, "the soft under-belly of the Axis." It proved harder going than was expected, supporting Churchill's opposition to the opening of a second front in the west. Not until the summer of 1944 were the preparations complete for the invasion of Normandy, to break open Hitler's Europe. Churchill had always had an acute personal interest in combined operations, and he regarded the mobile "Mulberry" harbors as in large part his own idea. Only the personal order of King George VI prevented the prime minister from landing with the landing forces on D-day.

The last year of the war saw the famous partnership between Churchill and Roosevelt dissolving. Churchill looked to the shape of things that would emerge after the war, with the immense accession of strength to Russia and to communism in Europe. At the summit conferences in Teheran and Yalta, Churchill was grieved to find the president not supporting him in his struggle with Stalin to contain Russian expansion after the war. On the surrender of Germany in May 1945, Churchill rode around London in the victory celebrations, but, as he wrote, there was foreboding in his heart.

Before the surrender of Japan, Churchill's wartime government broke up, and the Labour party won a large majority in the general election of July 1945. Churchill was deeply affected by this blow, though it was in no sense a vote of censure upon him but upon 20 years of Conservative rule. He continued to enjoy esteem as leader of the opposition Conservative party.

He turned to writing a personal history, The Second World War (6 vols., 1948-1953), and to painting, exhibiting regularly at the Royal Academy. Though he was out of office, his prestige was a major asset to his country. In his famous "iron curtain" speech at Westminster College in Fulton, Mo., he warned the West against Russia's aims and the aggrandizement of communism, making a plea for cooperation between the English-speaking peoples as the only hope of checking it. This aroused a storm of controversy in the United States, but events soon confirmed Churchill's view of the world picture.

On Oct. 26, 1951, at the age of 77, he again became prime minister, as well as minister of defense. As the Conservatives held a very small majority and Britain faced very difficult economic circumstances, only the old man's willpower enabled his government to survive. He held on to see the young Queen Elizabeth II crowned at Westminster in June 1953, himself attending as a Knight of the Garter, an honor he had received a few weeks earlier. In 1953, also, he received the Nobel Prize in literature. On April 5, 1955, in his 80th year, he resigned as prime minister, but he continued to sit in Commons until July 1964.

Churchill's later years were relatively tranquil. In 1958 the Royal Academy devoted its galleries to a retrospective one-man show of his work. On April 9, 1963, he received, by special act of the U.S. Congress, the unprecedented honor of being made an honorary American citizen. When he died in London on Jan. 24, 1965, at the age of 90, he was acclaimed as a citizen of the world, and on January 30 he was given the funeral of a hero. He was buried at Bladon, in the little churchyard near Blenheim Palace, his birthplace.

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Winston Churchill gave this speech at Westminster College, in Fulton, Missouri, after receiving an honorary degree. With typical oratorical skills, Church introduced the phrase "Iron Curtain" to describe the division between Western powers and the area controlled by the Soviet Union. As such the speech marks the onset of the Cold War.

The speech was very long, and here excerpts are presented.


The United States stands at this time at the pinnacle of world power. It is a solemn moment for the American democracy. For with this primacy in power is also joined an awe-inspiring accountability to the future. As you look around you, you must feel not only the sense of duty done, but also you must feel anxiety lest you fall below the level of achievement. Opportunity is here now, clear and shining, for both our countries. To reject it or ignore it or fritter it away will bring upon us all the long reproaches of the aftertime.

It is necessary that constancy of mind, persistency of purpose, and the grand simplicity of decision shall rule and guide the conduct of the English-speaking peoples in peace as they did in war. We must, and I believe we shall, prove ourselves equal to this severe requirement.

I have a strong admiration and regard for the valiant Russian people and for my wartime comrade, Marshal Stalin. There is deep sympathy and goodwill in Britain -- and I doubt not here also -- toward the peoples of all the Russias and a resolve to persevere through many differences and rebuffs in establishing lasting friendships.

It is my duty, however, to place before you certain facts about the present position in Europe.

From Stettin in the Baltic to Trieste in the Adriatic an iron curtain has descended across the Continent. Behind that line lie all the capitals of the ancient states of Central and Eastern Europe. Warsaw, Berlin, Prague, Vienna, Budapest, Belgrade, Bucharest and Sofia; all these famous cities and the populations around them lie in what I must call the Soviet sphere, and all are subject, in one form or another, not only to Soviet influence but to a very high and in some cases increasing measure of control from Moscow.

The safety of the world, ladies and gentlemen, requires a unity in Europe, from which no nation should be permanently outcast. It is from the quarrels of the strong parent races in Europe that the world wars we have witnessed, or which occurred in former times, have sprung.

Twice the United States has had to send several millions of its young men across the Atlantic to fight the wars. But now we all can find any nation, wherever it may dwell, between dusk and dawn. Surely we should work with conscious purpose for a grand pacification of Europe within the structure of the United Nations and in accordance with our Charter.

In a great number of countries, far from the Russian frontiers and throughout the world, Communist fifth columns are established and work in complete unity and absolute obedience to the directions they receive from the Communist center. Except in the British Commonwealth and in the United States where Communism is in its infancy, the Communist parties or fifth columns constitute a growing challenge and peril to Christian civilization.

The outlook is also anxious in the Far East and especially in Manchuria. The agreement which was made at Yalta, to which I was a party, was extremely favorable to Soviet Russia, but it was made at a time when no one could say that the German war might not extend all through the summer and autumn of 1945 and when the Japanese war was expected by the best judges to last for a further eighteen months from the end of the German war.

I repulse the idea that a new war is inevitable -- still more that it is imminent. It is because I am sure that our fortunes are still in our own hands and that we hold the power to save the future, that I feel the duty to speak out now that I have the occasion and the opportunity to do so.

I do not believe that Soviet Russia desires war. What they desire is the fruits of war and the indefinite expansion of their power and doctrines.

But what we have to consider here today while time remains, is the permanent prevention of war and the establishment of conditions of freedom and democracy as rapidly as possible in all countries. Our difficulties and dangers will not be removed by closing our eyes to them. They will not be removed by mere waiting to see what happens; nor will they be removed by a policy of appeasement.

What is needed is a settlement, and the longer this is delayed, the more difficult it will be and the greater our dangers will become.

From what I have seen of our Russian friends and allies during the war, I am convinced that there is nothing they admire so much as strength, and there is nothing for which they have less respect than for weakness, especially military weakness.

For that reason the old doctrine of a balance of power is unsound. We cannot afford, if we can help it, to work on narrow margins, offering temptations to a trial of strength.

Last time I saw it all coming and I cried aloud to my own fellow countrymen and to the world, but no one paid any attention. Up till the year 1933 or even 1935, Germany might have been saved from the awful fate which has overtaken her and we might all have been spared the miseries Hitler let loose upon mankind.

There never was a war in history easier to prevent by timely action than the one which has just desolated such great areas of the globe. It could have been prevented, in my belief, without the firing of a single shot, and Germany might be powerful, prosperous and honored today; but no one would listen and one by one we were all sucked into the awful whirlpool.

We must not let it happen again. This can only be achieved by reaching now, in 1946, a good understanding on all points with Russia under the general authority of the United Nations Organization and by the maintenance of that good understanding through many peaceful years, by the whole strength of the English-speaking world and all its connections.

If the population of the English-speaking Commonwealth be added to that of the United States, with all that such cooperation implies in the air, on the sea, all over the globe, and in science and in industry, and in moral force, there will be no quivering, precarious balance of power to offer its temptation to ambition or adventure. On the contrary there will be an overwhelming assurance of security.

If we adhere faithfully to the Charter of the United Nations and walk forward in sedate and sober strength, seeking no one's land or treasure, seeking to lay no arbitrary control upon the thoughts of men, if all British moral and material forces and convictions are joined with your own in fraternal association, the high roads of the future will be clear, not only for us but for all, not only for our time but for a century to come.

Winston Churchill - March 5, 1946

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A fanatic is one who can't change his mind and won't change the subject.

A joke is a very serious thing.

A lie gets halfway around the world before the truth has a chance to get its pants on.

A pessimist sees the difficulty in every opportunity; an optimist sees the opportunity in every difficulty.

A politician needs the ability to foretell what is going to happen tomorrow, next week, next month, and next year. And to have the ability afterwards to explain why it didn't happen.

A prisoner of war is a man who tries to kill you and fails, and then asks you not to kill him.  

Advertising nourishes the consuming power of men. It sets up before a man the goal of a better home, better clothing, better food for himself and his family. It spurs individual exertion and greater production.

Air power can either paralyze the enemy's military action or compel him to devote to the defense of his bases and communications a share of his straitened resources far greater that what we need in the attack.  

Although prepared for martyrdom, I preferred that it be postponed.  

Although present on the occasion, I have no clear recollection of the events leading up to it.  

An appeaser is one who feeds a crocodile, hoping it will eat him last.

At every crisis the Kaiser crumpled. In defeat he fled; in revolution he abdicated; in exile he remarried.

Attitude is a little thing that makes a big difference.  

Baldwin thought Europe was a bore, and Chamberlain thought it was only a greater Birmingham.  

Battles are won by slaughter and maneuver. The greater the general, the more he contributes in maneuver, the less he demands in slaughter.  

Before Alamein we never had a victory. After Alamein we never had a defeat.

Broadly speaking, the short words are the best, and the old words best of all.  

By swallowing evil words unsaid, no one has ever harmed his stomach.  

Courage is rightly esteemed the first of human qualities... because it is the quality which guarantees all others.  

Courage is what it takes to stand up and speak; courage is also what it takes to sit down and listen.

Criticism may not be agreeable, but it is necessary. It fulfils the same function as pain in the human body. It calls attention to an unhealthy state of things.

Death came very easily to her. She had lived such an innocent and loving life of service to others and held such a simple faith, that she had no fears at all and did not seem to mind very much.

Dictators ride to and fro upon tigers which they dare not dismount. And the tigers are getting hungry.  

Don't talk to me about naval tradition. It's nothing but rum, sodomy and the lash.  

Each beat guides me in Your direction (on unconditional love)  

Ending a sentence with a preposition is something up with which I will not put.  

Everyone has his day and some days last longer than others.

For good or for ill, air mastery is today the supreme expression of military power and fleets and armies, however vital and important, must accept a subordinate rank.  

From now on, ending a sentence with a preposition is something up with which I will not put.  

From Stettin in the Baltic to Trieste in the Adriatic, an iron curtain has descended across the Continent.

He has all of the virtues I dislike and none of the vices I admire.  

History will be kind to me for I intend to write it.  

However beautiful the strategy, you should occasionally look at the results.  

I also hope that I sometimes suggested to the lion the right place to use his claws.  

I always avoid prophesying beforehand, because it is a much better policy to prophesy after the event has already taken place.  

I always seem to get inspiration and renewed vitality by contact with this great novel land of yours which sticks up out of the Atlantic.  

I am always ready to learn although I do not always like being taught.  

I am bored with it all.  

I am certainly not one of those who need to be prodded. In fact, if anything, I am the prod.  

I am easily satisfied with the very best.

I am never going to have anything more to do with politics or politicians. When this war is over I shall confine myself entirely to writing and painting.  

I am prepared to meet my Maker. Whether my Maker is prepared for the great ordeal of meeting me is another matter.  

I cannot forecast to you the action of Russia. It is a riddle wrapped in a mystery inside an enigma: but perhaps there is a key. That key is Russian national interests.

I cannot pretend to be impartial about the colors. I rejoice with the brilliant ones, and am genuinely sorry for the poor browns.

I got into my bones the essential structure of the ordinary British sentence-which is a noble thing.  

I had no idea of the enormous and unquestionably helpful part that humbug plays in the social life of great peoples dwelling in a state of democratic freedom.

I have never accepted what many people have kindly said-namely that I inspired the nation. Their will was resolute and remorseless, and as it proved, unconquerable. It fell to me to express it.  

I have nothing to offer but blood, toil, tears and sweat.  

I have taken more good from alcohol than alcohol has taken from me.  

I have taken more out of alcohol than alcohol has taken out of me.  

I like a man who grins when he fights.  

I like pigs. Dogs look up to us. Cats look down on us. Pigs treat us as equals.  

I may be drunk, Miss, but in the morning I will be sober and you will still be ugly.  

I shall always be glad to have seen it-for the same reason Papa gave for being glad to have seen Lisbon-namely, "that it will be unnecessary ever to see it again."  

If Hitler invaded hell I would make at least a favorable reference to the devil in the House of Commons.  

If the Almighty were to rebuild the world and asked me for advice, I would have English Channels round every country. And the atmosphere would be such that anything which attempted to fly would be set on fire.  

If we open a quarrel between past and present, we shall find that we have lost the future.

If you are going through hell, keep going.  

If you go on with this nuclear arms race, all you are going to do is make the rubble bounce.  

If you have an important point to make, don't try to be subtle or clever. Use a pile driver. Hit the point once. Then come back and hit it again. Then hit it a third time-a tremendous whack.  

If you have ten thousand regulations you destroy all respect for the law.  

If you're going through hell, keep going.  

In the course of my life, I have often had to eat my words, and I must confess that I have always found it a wholesome diet.

In war, you can only be killed once, but in politics, many times.

In wartime, truth is so precious that she should always be attended by a bodyguard of lies.  

It has been said that democracy is the worst form of government except all the others that have been tried.  

It is a gaping wound, whenever one touches it and removes the bandages and plasters of daily life.  

It is a good thing for an uneducated man to read books of quotations.  

It is a mistake to look too far ahead. Only one link of the chain of destiny can be handled at a time.

It is a remarkable comment on our affairs that the former prime minister of a great sovereign state should thus be received as an honorary citizen of another.  

It is always wise to look ahead, but difficult to look further than you can see.  

It is no use saying, 'We are doing our best.' You have got to succeed in doing what is necessary.  

It may be that we shall by a process of sublime irony have reached a stage in this story where safety will be the sturdy child of terror, and survival the twin brother of annihilation.

It was the nation and the race dwelling all round the globe that had the lion's heart. I had the luck to be called upon to give the roar.  

Kites rise highest against the wind - not with it.

Let us therefore brace ourselves to our duty and so bear ourselves that if the British Empire and its Commonwealth lasts for a thousand years men will still say, "This was their finest hour."  

Man will occasionally stumble over the truth, but most of the time he will pick himself up and continue on.  

Many forms of Government have been tried, and will be tried in this world of sin and woe. No one pretends that democracy is perfect or all-wise. Indeed, it has been said that democracy is the worst form of Government except all those others that have been tried from time to time.  

Meeting Franklin Roosevelt was like opening your first bottle of champagne; knowing him was like drinking it.  

Men occasionally stumble over the truth, but most of them pick themselves up and hurry off as if nothing had happened.  

Most people stumble over the truth, now and then, but they usually manage to pick themselves up and go on, anyway.

Mr. Attlee is a very modest man. Indeed he has much to be modest about.  

Mr. Gladstone read Homer for fun, which I thought served him right.  

My hand seemed arrested by a silent veto.  

My most brilliant achievement was my ability to be able to persuade my wife to marry me.  

My rule of life prescribed as an absolutely sacred rite smoking cigars and also the drinking of alcohol before, after and if need be during all meals and in the intervals between them.  

My wife and I tried two or three times in the last 40 years to have breakfast together, but it was so disagreeable we had to stop.  

Never give in, never give in, never, never, never, never, in nothing, great or small, large or petty, never give in except to convictions of honor and good sense.  

Never hold discussions with the monkey when the organ grinder is in the room.

Never in the field of human conflict was so much owed by so many to so few.  

Never, never, never give up.  

"No comment" is a splendid expression. I am using it again and again.  

No idea is so outlandish that it should not be considered with a searching but at the same time a steady eye.  

No lover ever studied every whim of his mistress as I did those of President Roosevelt.  

No matter how enmeshed a commander becomes in the elaboration of his own thoughts, it is sometimes necessary to take the enemy into account.

No part of the education of a politician is more indispensable than the fighting of elections.  

Nothing in life is so exhilarating as to be shot at without result.

One does not leave a convivial party before closing time.


One ought never to turn one's back on a threatened danger and try to run away from it. If you do that, you will double the danger. But if you meet it promptly and without flinching, you will reduce the danger by half. Never run away from anything. Never!

Perhaps it is better to be irresponsible and right, than to be responsible and wrong.  

Personally I'm always ready to learn, although I do not always like being taught.  

Politics are very much like war. We may even have to use poison gas at times.  

Politics is almost as exciting as war, and quite as dangerous. In war you can only be killed once, but in politics many times.  

Politics is not a game. It is an earnest business.

Politics is the ability to foretell what is going to happen tomorrow, next week, next month and next year. And to have the ability afterwards to explain why it didn't happen.  

Really I feel less keen about the Army every day. I think the Church would suit me better.

Say what you have to say and the first time you come to a sentence with a grammatical ending-sit down.  

Short words are best and the old words when short are best of all.

Socialism is a philosophy of failure, the creed of ignorance, and the gospel of envy, its inherent virtue is the equal sharing of misery.

Solitary trees, if they grow at all, grow strong.  

Study history, study history. In history lies all the secrets of statecraft.

Success consists of going from failure to failure without loss of enthusiasm.  

Success is going from failure to failure without a loss of enthusiasm.  

Success is not final, failure is not fatal: it is the courage to continue that counts.  

Sure I am of this, that you have only to endure to conquer.  

The best argument against democracy is a five-minute conversation with the average voter.  

The empires of the future are the empires of the mind.  

The farther backward you can look, the farther forward you are likely to see.  

The first quality that is needed is audacity.  

The great defense against the air menace is to attack the enemy's aircraft as near as possible to their point of departure.  

The human story does not always unfold like a mathematical calculation on the principle that two and two make four. Sometimes in life they make five or minus three; and sometimes the blackboard topples down in the middle of the sum and leaves the class in disorder and the pedagogue with a black eye.

The inherent vice of capitalism is the unequal sharing of blessings; the inherent virtue of socialism is the equal sharing of miseries.  

The length of this document defends it well against the risk of its being read.

The loyalties which center upon number one are enormous. If he trips, he must be sustained. If he makes mistakes, they must be covered. If he sleeps, he must not be wantonly disturbed. If he is no good, he must be pole-axed.  

The monarchy is so extraordinarily useful. When Britain wins a battle she shouts, "God save the Queen"; when she loses, she votes down the prime minister.  

The power of an air force is terrific when there is nothing to oppose it.  

The power of man has grown in every sphere, except over himself.  

The price of greatness is responsibility.  

The problems of victory are more agreeable than those of defeat, but they are no less difficult.  

The reserve of modern assertions is sometimes pushed to extremes, in which the fear of being contradicted leads the writer to strip himself of almost all sense and meaning.  

The Russians will try all the rooms in a house, enter those that are not locked, and when they come to one that cannot be broken into, they will withdraw and invite you to dine genially that same evening.  

The short words are best, and the old words are the best of all.  

The truth is incontrovertible, malice may attack it, ignorance may deride it, but in the end; there it is.  

Their insatiable lust for power is only equaled by their incurable impotence in exercising it.  

There are a terrible lot of lies going about the world, and the worst of it is that half of them are true.  

There are two things that are more difficult than making an after-dinner speech: climbing a wall which is leaning toward you and kissing a girl who is leaning away from you.  

There is no finer investment for any community than putting milk into babies.  

There is no such thing as a good tax.  

There is nothing more exhilarating than to be shot at without result.  

There was unanimous, automatic, unquestioned agreement around our table.  

These are not dark days: these are great days - the greatest days our country has ever lived.  

They told me that Gladstone read Homer for fun, which I thought served him right.  

This is no time for ease and comfort. It is time to dare and endure.  

This is not the end. It is not even the beginning of the end. But it is, perhaps, the end of the beginning.  

Those who can win a war well can rarely make a good peace and those who could make a good peace would never have won the war.  

To build may have to be the slow and laborious task of years. To destroy can be the thoughtless act of a single day.  

To improve is to change; to be perfect is to change often.  

To jaw-jaw is always better than to war-war.

True genius resides in the capacity for evaluation of uncertain, hazardous, and conflicting information.

Truth is incontrovertible; malice may attack it and ignorance may deride it; but, in the end; there it is.  

Victory at all costs, victory in spite of all terror, victory however long and hard the road may be; for without victory, there is no survival.

War is a catalogue of blunders.


War is a game that is played with a smile. If you can't smile, grin. If you can't grin, keep out of the way till you can.  

We are all worms. But I believe that I am a glow-worm.  

We have a lot of anxieties, and one cancels out another very often.  

We have always found the Irish a bit odd. They refuse to be English.  

We make a living by what we get, but we make a life by what we give.  

We must beware of needless innovations, especially when guided by logic.  

We occasionally stumble over the truth but most of us pick ourselves up and hurry off as if nothing had happened.  

We shall defend our island, whatever the cost may be, we shall fight on the beaches, we shall fight on the landing grounds, we shall fight in the fields and in the streets, we shall fight in the hills; we shall never surrender.  

We shall draw from the heart of suffering itself the means of inspiration and survival.  

We shape our buildings; thereafter they shape us.  

When I am abroad, I always make it a rule never to criticize or attack the government of my own country. I make up for lost time when I come home.  

When the war of the giants is over the wars of the pygmies will begin.  

When you have to kill a man, it costs nothing to be polite.  

When you took your seat I felt as if a woman had come into my bathroom and I had only the sponge to defend myself.  

Without tradition, art is a flock of sheep without a shepherd. Without innovation, it is a corpse.  

Working hours are never long enough. Each day is a holiday, and ordinary holidays are grudged as enforced interruptions in an absorbing vocation.

Writing a book is an adventure. To begin with, it is a toy and an amusement; then it becomes a mistress, and then it becomes a master, and then a tyrant. The last phase is that just as you are about to be reconciled to your servitude, you kill the monster, and fling him out to the public.  

You can always count on Americans to do the right thing - after they've tried everything else.

You have enemies? Good. That means you've stood up for something, sometime in your life.

eveningboatUID：157918

每日一星整理完毕，了了一件心事，呵呵。

KitKatUID：164708

恩 第一个顶
考完了再看

PS: 这个每日一星 是不是应该改成每周一星啊~~~~~~~~

zhangbaokeUID：158124

我在作文两次用到Churchill，可居然不会写名字～～～～

apolloxpUID：156355

好的。谢谢eveningboat

eveningboatUID：157918

哈哈，菠萝太客气了，以后有时间的话偶再弄几个。还有，以前都叫我晚舟的，怎么今天改口叫我ID了，呵呵。

yundongtuUID：164437

楼主辛苦了，好贴必顶！

linakUID：155465

好详细的说
不错
不过感觉好像每天都做确实有点多了