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Deng Xiaoping's far-sightedness
on HK's stability
Updated: 2004-08-24 08:38


Deng Xiaoping, architect of the "One Country, Two Systems" concept, foresaw the necessity of intervention by the central government should there be "disturbances" in the Hong Kong SAR, according to Ta Kung Pao.

Excerpts will run in two parts. The following is part one:

The "pro-democracy" camp and its mouthpiece media has depicted Tung Chee-hwa as an incompetent government leader through repetition of slanderous topics on a daily basis ever since reunification in 1997.

Equipped with the "fighting spirit" nurtured by British colonists, the "democrats" are making increasing effort to reverse the executive-led nature of the government. Using the Legislative Council as a platform, they are trying to turn Hong Kong, a commercial metropolis, into a political city that works against its socialist motherland.

What is surprising is Deng had predicted such a development.

On October 3, 1984, Deng met with the Hong Kong and Macao delegation attending the National Day celebration.

When negotiating with the British over the Hong Kong issue, Deng already envisaged that, to certain political forces, "One Country, Two Systems" was merely the Chinese Government's wishful thinking. There would be twists and turns, and even turmoil, after reunification. He therefore did not rule out the possibility of intervention by the central government.

In the early days of the SAR, the central government, in honouring the principle of "One Country, Two Systems", strictly observed a non-intervention policy and refrained from commenting on Hong Kong's affairs within the scope of its autonomy.

The Hong Kong and Macao Affairs Office became the guardian of the "Two Systems" - prohibiting mainland government departments from conducting any activity in Hong Kong on their own.

The liaison office of the central government in the SAR was no longer as active as its former self before reunification - the Xinhua News Agency. Only low-profile district-level community activities were undertaken.

Under "One Country, Two Systems", Hong Kong was the darling of the whole country and received special care and concern, to the extent that a sneeze by Hong Kong was sufficient to cause worry in Beijing.

It was under such circumstances that certain political groups inside this autonomous SAR developed into a political force that was anti-Beijing. This force broke the tacit agreement between "Two Systems" not to interfere with each other's business. It turned Hong Kong into a hotbed for the activity and propagation of an "extreme democratic" force that demanded the complete westernization of the territory.

Since the situation had gone contrary to original plans, the central authorities started to intervene in Hong Kong affairs, ranging from interpretation of the Basic Law by the National People's Congress to the signing of the Closer Economic Partnership Agreement. Some were tough measures, others supportive.

The "extreme democrats" see Beijing's interventions, particularly the NPC's interpretation of the Basic Law, as "the end of democracy". But these interventions were actually the result of their actions that had gone beyond the tolerance of the central government.

Deng pointed out the possibility and necessity of intervention: "Some people worry about intervention. They should not worry about intervention in general. Intervention is sometimes necessary. It depends on whether the intervention serves the interest of Hong Kong, whether it helps maintain Hong Kong's prosperity and stability or jeopardizes Hongkongers' interests and the territory's prosperity and stability."

Prosperity and stability concern the well-being of Hong Kong and are the purpose of "One Country, Two Systems". The Communist Party of China was able to take over the entire 9.6 million square kilometres of territory of the country, but left the capitalist system of the 1,000-square-kilometre Hong Kong intact when undergoing reunification.

On the one hand, the SAR was intended to be a showcase for Taiwan. On the other hand, the arrangement took into consideration the existing lifestyle and habits of the local populace.

If we explain Deng's intervention concept with his black-cat-white-cat theory, it means that for the sake of Hong Kong's prosperity and stability and to embody the central government's sovereignty over the SAR, the "One Country, Two Systems" arrangement does not rule out the possibility of Beijing's intervention.