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发表于 2005-12-23 01:15:54
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看了一下,汗.... 自己觉得比第一次进步不小呢 被拍的"体无完肤"啊 呵呵
拍的好! 其实在写这个的时候, 我有疑问的,就是关于unjust法我们该怎么办的问题, 我举的那个例子就是甘地的那个很牵强的,写的时候就发现了,可想不出更好的例子了 呵呵
看了你的分析是感到自己文中有些逻辑比较乱,一会没有标准,一会又有标准 唉..........
于是我做了点工作,用google找了一下,没想到资料还真多:(节选一点帖在下面,全文我传导群共享里面去了)
希望也能给你开开思路,自己打算这篇文章重新来过!!
再次感谢你的深刻的分析 呵呵 不过没有及时给你回拍 我一般是深夜工作的(习惯了)
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每个人都拥有一种基于正义的不可侵犯性,这种不可侵犯性即使崐以社会整体利益之名也不能逾越。因为,正义否认了一些人分享更大利益而剥夺另崐一些人的自由是正当的,不承认许多人享受的较大利益能绰绰有余地补偿强加于少崐数人的牺牲。
[美]约翰·罗尔斯《正义论》第1页。
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http://www.blogms.com/blog/CommL ... gLogCode=1000311492
实践公民不服从的代表人物苏格拉底、梭罗、甘地、马丁.路德.金在这个问题上的经典言论,又有当代西方最重要的研究成果,如,汉娜.阿伦特、罗尔斯、德沃尔金的理论.
公民不服从是宪政体制下处于少数地位的公民表达异议的一种方式。它是违法行为,但却基于对法律的忠诚,是出于良知、出于对正义的关注而选择的违法。它诉诸于多数的正义感;所违反的对象则如前所说,是不正义的法律或政府政策。可以说,公民不服从是一种体现公民道德理想的行动。基于所要体现的理想,它以公开性和非暴力性为特征。关于公开性,马丁.路德.金作过很好的表述:“违反不公正法律的人,必得公开地违反,心怀爱意地违反,甘愿接受惩罚。”
其二,通过公开违反某项法律,把问题推到公众面前,迫使公众正视问题并吁请公众注意到正义正在遭到破坏,宪政原则正在被侵凌。至于一般采取非暴力方式乃基于对暴力含有的不道德性和破坏性的认识,所以从道德角度看,仍然出于对目的必须与手段相一致的道德理念的执守。对于公开性和非暴力性所依据和展现的道德理念,马丁.路德.金在抨击极权主义的伦理相对主义时提出了很深刻的见解。
二十世纪五六十年代的美国民权运动中,黑人民众以大规模的公民不服从运动去冲击种族隔离制度,用制造危机的尖锐方式把这一制度的罪恶摆在了全社会面前,使人们不能再回避。各阶层、各种族,尤其是许多白人受到强烈震撼,在良知和正义感驱使下加入了声援队伍。这场黑人为争取平等公民权而进行的斗争最终胜利了,种族隔离制度废除了。然而,在决策层面必须遵守多数原则的美国,如果没有在人口中占据绝大多数的白人的支持,这场斗争是不会以胜利告终的。但假如人们良知沉睡,共同正义感这笔集体财富已经荡然无存,即使多数裁决这一民主政治的基本规则仍然生效,正义感的匮乏却使人自私、冷漠,更难以有超越个人或集团私利的胸襟,多数原则只会导向多数暴政。
以公民不服从表达异议的人对法律的忠诚不光体现在违反恶法时所抱的目的上,也体现在甘受惩罚,决不规避惩罚。在这方面,苏格拉底是一个典范。他坚决捍卫了探求真理的自由和言论自由,又泰然接受了由此而招致的死刑,留下了尊重法律的精神。
譬如美国黑人民权运动所反对的种族隔离法这一罪恶的奴隶制的遗留物,作为差别性立法,它直接违背法律必须具普遍性这一基本法治精神,是对美国宪法的公民平等原则的尖锐讽刺。该法赋予一些人优越感,给另一些人以低劣感。正如马丁.路德.金所说,它表现了人的悲剧性分离。被判为低劣的那部分公民不得不夜以继日地纠缠于自己是黑人的事实,不是在忍受歧视中耗尽自尊,就是陷入反社会的极端情绪之中。这样的法律,它的存在本身就是一种罪恶。在黑人民众通过正常诉求渠道要求废止该法而无效的情况下,以公民不服从运动来反抗它便势所必然。运动的最终成功事实上割掉了美国社会的一个毒瘤,使宪法原则真正名致实归。--------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------
http://www.rogerhelmer.com/unjustlaw.asp
"An unjust law is no law at all", said St Augustine, providing the foundation of civil disobedience movements across the globe. If a law is not really a law at all, it is argued, one has a right -- even a duty -- to break it. Martin Luther King articulated this view in his Letter from Birmingham Jail: "one has a moral responsibility to disobey unjust laws".
The problem is that while the law is a matter of public record, justice is an intensely personal matter. What one person regards as just may strike another as an unwarranted imposition. This is why we need law; if we all behaved according to our personal standards of morality, anarchy would rule. While we may have our own views about the justice of particular laws, we generally accept that some rules must apply universally. If we are to follow Martin Luther King's exhortation to resist unjust laws, then, there must be an unusual type or degree of injustice to justify that. What kind of injustice might do so?
To begin, however, I believe it is necessary to define an “unjust” law. According to St. Thomas Aquinas, “Any law that uplifts human personality is just. Any law that degrades human personality is unjust.” (King, 3) According to Dr. Martin Luther King Jr., “An unjust law is a code that a numerical or power majority compels a minority group to obey, but does not make binding on itself.” (King, 4)
The definition I will take is a combination of these two. I define an unjust law as one that degrades human personality through the unfair suffering of a minority group at the hands of a majority group. Keep in mind that a majority can be in either power or number. A majority in number can be oppressed by a majority in power. Any law that causes a person to suffer simply because they do not agree with this majority is an incorrect and unjust law.
Singer gives two typical arguments in favor of obeying these unjust laws. I will address these arguments one at a time. The first argument says that, “By disobeying [a law] I set an example for others that may lead them to disobey too. The effect may multiply and contribute to a decline in law and order. In an extreme case, it may lead to civil war.” (Singer, 297)
King also says, “One has not only a legal, but a moral responsibility to obey just laws. Conversely, one has a moral responsibility to disobey unjust laws.” It seems I have arrived at the same conclusion King has. It is not only moral, but a moral obligation to disobey unjust laws. In fact, it seems King uses something similar in meaning to Kant’s Categorical Imperative. King’s quote, as I stated earlier, is, “An unjust law is a code that a numerical or power majority group compels a minority group to obey, but does not make binding on itself.” (King, 4) Kant’s Categorical Imperative says, “Act only on the maxim through which you could at the same time will that it should be universal law.” This is also known as the Golden Rule. “Do unto others as you would have them do unto you.” To be a just law, it has to be universal in its application.
King makes a very good distinction between Civil Disobedience and breaking the law. He says, “One who breaks an unjust law must do so openly, lovingly, and with willingness to accept the penalty.” This brings about some of the stipulations that go along with Civil Disobedience.
King himself says there are four steps to Civil Disobedience: Collection of the facts to determine whether injustices exist, negotiation, self-purification, and direct action. (King, 1) King also argues that the direct action must be non-violent, which I believe is an integral part of Civil Disobedience.
The criteria of a valid Civil Disobedience movement, then, are as follows. It must: Have a provable injustice, fail at negotiation before action is taken, be a pure act of true belief, and then take non-violent direct action.
This point begs the question, “What about violent disobedience?” This is a difficult question when confronted with the Revolutionary War, a large act of what could be called violent Civil Disobedience. I would argue that violent Civil Disobedience is never permissible. In an event like the Revolution, where there is no redress and there is no hope of non-violent Civil Disobedience achieving the desired goal, then the acts become a Revolution.
As long as the principle of non-violence is followed, along with the other guidelines, and breaking the law is the last resort, Civil Disobedience should be expected in a Country that was founded on strict moral principles about how a government should run. Any law that is contrary to those principles should be overthrown. The Declaration of Independence makes that abundantly clear. We must maintain Liberty. Thomas Jefferson said it best in a letter to William Smith, 1787; “The tree of liberty must be refreshed from time to time blood of patriots and tyrants.” (Patriots) To maintain liberty, we are obliged to stand up when there is injustice.
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In America in 1849, as the Civil War over slavery loomed, Henry David Thoreau wrote his great essay On Civil Disobedience. At its core was the thesis that in the face of unjust law it is not only the right but the duty of good men to resist such law.
The standard moral position is summarised by Professor Ronald Dworkin in Taking Rights Seriously (1977): "In a democracy... each citizen has a general moral duty to obey all the laws... He owes that duty to his fellow citizens, who obey laws that they do not like, to his benefit. But this general duty cannot be an absolute duty, because even a society that is in principle just may produce unjust laws and policies, and a man has duties other than his
An unjust law is itself a species of violence. Arrest for its breach is more so.
Mohandas Gandhi
One who breaks an unjust law that conscience tells him is unjust, and who willingly accepts the penalty of imprisonment in order to arouse the conscience of the community over its injustice, is in reality expressing the highest respect for law.
Martin Luther King, Jr. |
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