【CASK EFFECT】1006G阅读全方位锻炼--越障【Economist】 2-13

lghscuUID: 2552043

【CASK EFFECT】1006G阅读全方位锻炼--越障【Economist】 2-13  

继草木也知愁【SCI】系列特推出【Economist】，旨在培养阅读的习惯。
阅读不是实力的较量，是习惯的比拼
“规则：0 u, r. g$ C/ d+ [4 f5 C* B, J" n/ v5 W* u. f
% K  N9 u8 C/ `6 A0 b
我每天贴出1000字左右的一篇文字
没有别的要求，只要大家坚持读完就可以如果你能坚持一个月，你会发现自己的阅读进化了 [注]
1
直接在电脑屏幕面前做，虽然GRE阅读是在纸上考，但是这个过程会遏制你做笔记，同时给你的阅读造成视觉障碍，也就是把难度训练和抗干扰训练同步结合，增加效率（初期会很累，但是既然大家想要成为高手，那么就别对自己太温柔）
2
所采用文章部分来自寄托天下版油发贴，在此谢谢所有的版油”


Colombia's presidential non-campaign
Time to enter historyDec 30th 2009
From The Economist print edition
Álvaro Uribe should stand aside and let would-be successors campaign to lead Colombia
AP
WITH a presidential election due on May 30th, Colombians should be plunging into a debate about their troubled country’s priorities for the next four years. Instead, politics is held hostage by a battle begun by Álvaro Uribe, the president since 2002, to change the constitution to allow him to run for a third consecutive term. Later this month or early next the Constitutional Court will rule on the validity of a law that would clear Mr Uribe’s path. The court might reject it, over procedure, or rule that Mr Uribe could stand only in 2014. If it upholds the measure, this must then be approved in a referendum in which at least a quarter of voters turn out, probably to be held in mid-March. If, despite his great popularity, Mr Uribe were unable to secure a high enough turnout, his would-be successors would have only a few weeks to secure a popular mandate.
That is an indulgence Colombia cannot afford. Mr Uribe has made his country a better and safer place. Through tireless and determined leadership and by expanding the security forces, backed by American aid, he has reduced the FARC guerrillas from a mortal threat to the democratic state to a scattered, if still dangerous, band. He persuaded tens of thousands of right-wing paramilitaries to disband, albeit under a flawed agreement. Greater security has helped to bring a revival of economic growth and national self-confidence. That is why polls suggest that if Mr Uribe ran, he would win.

Mr Uribe has indeed accomplished much. But for Colombia to progress it needs strong institutions rather than an eternal strongman. The ultimate success of Mr Uribe’s tough security policies depends on them being continued by others—and on being adjusted. FARC’s kidnap and murder of a provincial governor in late December was a grisly throwback to the bad old days of a decade ago. There are also new threats from criminal gangs made up of recycled paramilitary types.
The next government faces other urgent issues (see article). Mr Uribe has failed to reform burdensome labour laws that force younger Colombians into a vast informal economy. His government has spent years talking about improving transport links without doing so. Then there is the judiciary. It has done a vital job of holding government allies and the army to account for their paramilitary links and their human-rights abuses respectively. But in other respects its combination of judicial activism and legal paralysis is damaging. Mr Uribe, who has clashed with judges and upset constitutional balances designed for four-year presidencies, is the last man to be able to reform the judiciary in good faith.
The risk of emulating Hugo ChávezMany of the capable Colombians in business and academia who once supported Mr Uribe now want change. His third administration would have to staff itself from a shallow pool of talent on the hard right. These backwoodsmen whisper in the president’s ear that if he relinquishes office he will be hauled before the International Criminal Court. Yet there is no evidence that Mr Uribe is a criminal.
Colombia has several other plausible candidates to choose from who could build on Mr Uribe’s achievements. Other hugely popular and respected democratic leaders in Latin America, such as Brazil’s Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva and Chile’s Michelle Bachelet, have refused to abolish term limits. By following their example Mr Uribe might enter history as a democrat who saved his country. Yet he seems bent on emulating Hugo Chávez, the caudillo of Caracas. It is high time that Mr Uribe let his country begin the stringent presidential debate it so badly needs. He should pre-empt the court judgment, and say now that he will not run this year.

river1112UID: 2666300

1)Stand asidevt. 站开(避开，袖手旁观，不参加)
  side with...与...站在一边
2）Plunge into 突然冲入，突然或仓促地开始某事
    plunge into a debate about the priorities...（很好的词组）
    With a presidential election due on May 30th, Colombians should be plunging into a debate about their troubled country’s priorities for the next four years.
3）institutionn. 机构，制度，创立
4）uphold v. 支撑，赞成，鼓励
5）referendum n. 公民投票，请示书
  If it upholds the measure, this must then be approved in a referendum in which at least a quarter of voters turn out, probably to be held in mid-March.
6)Disband v. 解散，遣散
   flawed adj. 有裂纹的，有瑕疵的，有缺陷的
  He persuaded tens of thousands of right-wing paramilitaries to disband, albeit under a flawed agreement.
7)grisly adj. 可怕的，恐怖的
8)throwback n. 掷回，返回，返祖现象
Mr Uribe has indeed accomplished much. But for Colombia to progress it needs strong institutions rather than an eternal strongman
9)paramilitary adj. 准军事性的，起军事辅助作用的
10)judiciary n. 司法部，司法制度，法官
11)in good faith 真诚，善意
12)relinquish vt. 放弃，放手
These backwoodsmen whisper in the president’s ear that if he relinquishes office, he will be hauled before the International Criminal Court.
13)backwoodsmen n. 住在边远地区的人
14)bent on决心，决定做某事
15)emulate vt. 效法，尽力赶上，仿真
Yet he seems bent on emulating Hugo Chávez, the caudillo of Caracas.
16)stringent adj. 严格的
It is high time that Mr Uribe let his country begin the stringent presidential debate it so badly needs
17)Pre-empt  vt. <美> 先占，先取得
He should pre-empt the court judgment, and say now that he will not run this year.