【我们的小组】-长的一天

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对于【我们的小组】中组员以时间不够为由不完成备考任务的现象，【我们的小组】的组长，用亲身经历告诉你，一天能做多少事。

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被锯树声叫醒的早晨。
6:45起床。
7:10到7：53，跟着红宝书后面的盘过了一遍红宝书的LIST8-12

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看《经济学家》上的文章，搜集素材。
Arab autocracy
Thank you and goodbye
For good or ill, change is coming to Egypt and Saudi Arabia soon
Jul 15th 2010
THE fate of the Arab world’s two most important states lies in the hands of ageing autocrats. Hosni Mubarak, an 82-year-old air-force general who has ruled Egypt since 1981, is widely reported to be grievously ill. King Abdullah of Saudi Arabia, who assumed the throne of the Arabs’ richest country five years ago but has run the show for longer, is reckoned to be 86. The grim reaper will bring change in both places soon.介绍两个独裁者快不行了。

Maybe the old men will manage to control their succession. President Mubarak has been preparing the ground for his son, Gamal, to take over . King Abdullah’s anointed successor, Crown Prince Sultan, one of his 18 surviving brothers, has long been poorly, but there are plenty more where he came from . Decades of repression have ensured that the opposition is quiescent in Egypt and virtually inaudible in Saudi Arabia. But they have also made these countries vulnerable to violent disruption. Transition in autocracies often means instability.
The fate of these two countries matters to the West for two big reasons: energy and security. Egypt and Saudi Arabia have been reliable, if flawed, allies. Should they stumble, the West’s interests in the region will be imperilled. That is why those regimes need to be encouraged to liberalise their countries’ economic and political systems further and turn them into places where change brings hope not fear.讲埃及和沙特阿拉伯的重要性。

Related items
A special report on Egypt: The long wait

What’s wrong with them…

The problem of Arab governance is by no means confined to those big two. In the past few centuries the Arabs, once pre-eminent in a host of skills, from astronomy and algebra to architecture and engineering, have seen their societies stagnate and fester. Though blessed with natural resources, especially the oil that has enriched Arab dynasties and their subservient手下的 elites 实力集团while often leaving the masses in penury, few Arab countries have seen their non-oil economies flourish or their people enjoy the public services or freedoms taken for granted elsewhere.
Of the Arab League’s 22 members, not a single one is a stable and fully fledged democracy. Fragile but sophisticated Lebanon may come nearest, despite its lethal rivalries between sect and clan and failure to get a single national army to control all its territory (see article). Post-Saddam Iraq has had genuine multiparty elections but is mired in corruption, violence and sectarian strife. The Palestinians had a fair election in 2006 but the winners, the Islamists of Hamas, were not allowed to govern. A handful of other countries, such as Morocco and Kuwait, have multiparty systems, but monarchs still rule the roost. And where they have given way to republicans, new dynasties, such as Syria’s today and Libya’s probably tomorrow, still hold sway. Even sub-Saharan Africa has a better record of electoral freedom.

The rulers of Egypt and Saudi Arabia, ancient as they are, have made improvements. Egypt’s economy has belatedly begun to grow quite fast. The Saudi king is educating his people, even women—though he still won’t let them drive a car. He has spent more than $12 billion creating just one new university near the Red Sea port of Jeddah, while pouring many more billions into ambitious projects, such as high-speed railways, that should benefit everyone. But the closed political systems of Egypt and Saudi Arabia, the uncertainties of dynastic power-mongering and the corruption inherent in patronage-ridden autocracies still often leads to plotting at the top and frustration that could spill over into anger at the bottom. That becomes more likely as the internet, mobile phones and easier travel make people far less easy to control.

It would be naive to urge or expect either country to become a full-blooded democracy in a trice. Each could descend into chaos, winding up with a fundamentalist version of Islamist rule that would make the present regimes look cuddly by comparison. Many Egyptians, including reform-minded professionals, fear that the Islamists of the Muslim Brotherhood, the unofficial opposition, would never relinquish power once they had won it at the ballot box. Sensible Saudis know that those who sympathise with their compatriot Osama bin Laden would impose an incomparably nastier regime than the present one, if given the freedom to do so.

All the same, the suppression of Egypt’s Muslim Brothers, who have a large following, has been unwise as well as unjust. Thousands of them are in jail; many have been tortured. Leading Brothers repeatedly disavow violence and jihad, insisting that they, like Turkey’s mild Islamists, would hold multiparty elections if they ever won power—and would graciously bow out if the voters told them to. Mr Mubarak must seek to draw the Brothers openly into the parliamentary and perhaps even ministerial fold, and test their sincerity, at first by giving them a chance to run local councils. And in the presidential election due next year, all the obstacles that make it nigh-impossible for a relative outsider, such as Mohamed ElBaradei, a former head of the UN’s nuclear watchdog, to compete, should be swept away. As for the Saudis, their king should at least encourage his Allegiance Commission, an inner family body of some 35 princes that is meant to oversee the succession, to skip a generation rather than plod down the geriatric line of the surviving sons of the founding king.


…and what’s to be done

Elections, though vital in the end, are not an early panacea. What the Arabs need most, in a hurry, is the rule of law, independent courts, freeish media, women’s and workers’ rights, a market that is not confined to the ruler’s friends, and a professional civil service and education system that are not in hock to the government, whether under a king or a republic. In other words, they need to nurture civil society and robust institutions. The first task of a new Saudi king should be to enact a proper criminal code.

In the Arab lexicon, the concept of justice means more than democracy. In the end, you cannot have the first without the second. But the systems that now prevail in the Arab world provide for neither.

Leaders

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上面那个没弄完，墨迹了一小时，，，睡得晚起的早有点犯困看阅读。。。现在是9点11.。。怎么还不到中午睡觉时间呢。。。
下面换换脑子。把ISSUE99写了。计划用时一个半小时。

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现在是10点38，可是我还在写作文。。。崩溃中文思路很顺，但是换成英文就没话说。。。太囧了。。。难道我要用一上午完成作文。。。加快速度了。。。

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11点31。。。憋出171个词。。。先去吃饭，吃完继续。。。

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12:07。。。吃完饭了，有点犯困。。。可是。。。坚持啊！我的作文！

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快写完了，就要写到我熟悉的理想主义的好处了。。。加油13:36
发现自己有点返老还童啊，怎么跟小学生似的，老想动动这儿看看那儿呢。。。

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发现产英语作文跟生孩子一样费劲，而我，貌似有点难产。。。15:30

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终于写完了。。才459字，，，后面想说的严重没说。。。英文最多表达出中文的30% 各种崩溃
现在15：51赶紧着玩会儿然后弄ARGUMENT提纲，还有ISSUE提纲。缓过劲儿来还得改一篇文章。还有好段背诵，还要再过遍单词。。。晚上11点给组员开会。。。还有6个来小时。
加油了。。。今天不能太逊了，还想用自己的一天激励一下组员呢。。。

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17:04原来时间长了脚。。。越看它跑得越快。。。

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汗死了，，，刚才小组成员改完我的，说头都大了，，，晕菜，然后语言有很大问题。。。昨天没找到草木姐说背的东西，难道是经济学家？草木大仙跳出来给我指明方向啊~！

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( ⊙o⊙ )哇加油。。给MM加油

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晕。。。怎么看出我是MM，楼上的，你那照片是当兵的在一起搞怪么？哈，见了觉得很逗，一直没机会问。

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18:47，吃完饭，有点餐后抑郁。。。没精神。。。
ANY WAY 要把ARGUMENT提纲写10个，ISSUE提纲过一些，先按小时算吧，20点之前过A纲