无责任转载自墩墩姐的分享：李刚荣登纽约时报国际版头条 [复制链接]

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发表于 2010-12-4 03:45:58 |显示全部楼层

李刚荣登纽约时报国际版头条"China's bitter joke: "My father is Li Gang!"
（转载）（分享）
2010-11-18 20:06

原文分享一下：
            BAODING, China — One night in late October, a college student named Chen Xiaofeng was in-line skating with a friend on the grounds of Hebei University in central China. They were gliding past the campus grocery when a Volkswagen sedan raced down a narrow lane and struck them head-on.
            The impact sent Ms. Chen flying and broke the other woman’s leg. The 22-year-old driver, who was intoxicated, tried to speed away. Security guards intercepted him, but he was undeterred. He warned them: “My father is Li Gang!”
            “The two girls were motionless,” one passer-by that night, a student who identified himself only by his surname, Duan, said this week. “There was a small pool of blood.” The next day, Ms. Chen was dead.
            Chen Xiaofeng was a poor farm girl. The man accused of killing her, Li Qiming, is the son of Li Gang, the deputy police chief in the Beishi district of Baoding. The tale of her death is precisely the sort of gripping socio-drama — a commoner grievously wronged; a privileged transgressor pulling strings to escape punishment — that sets off alarm bells in the offices of Communist Party censors. And in fact, party propaganda officials moved swiftly after the accident to ensure that the story never gained traction.
            Curiously, however, the opposite has happened. A month after the accident, much of China knows the story, and “My father is Li Gang” has become a bitter inside joke, a national catchphrase for shirking any responsibility — washing the dishes, being faithful to a girlfriend — with impunity. Even the government’s heavy-handed effort to control the story has become the object of scorn among younger, savvier Chinese.
            “There was a little on the school news channel at first,” one Hebei University student who offered only his surname, Wang, said in an interview last week. “But then it went completely quiet. We’re really disappointed in the press for stopping coverage of this major news.”
            In many ways, the Li Gang case, as it is known, exemplifies how China’s propaganda machine — able to slant or kill any news in the age of printing presses and television — is sometimes hamstrung in the age of the Internet, especially when it tries to manipulate a pithy narrative about abuse of power.
            “Frequently we’ll see directives on coverage, but those directives don’t necessarily mean there is no coverage,” David Bandurski, an analyst at the University of Hong Kong’s China Media Project, said in an interview. “They’re not all that effective.”
            “Censorship is increasingly unpopular in China,” he added. “We know how unpopular it is, because they have to keep the guidelines themselves under wraps.”
            A gadfly blog, sarcastically titled Ministry of Truth, has begun to puncture the veil surrounding censorship, anonymously posting secret government directives leaked by free-speech sympathizers. According to the blog’s sources, the Central Propaganda Bureau issued a directive on Oct. 28, 10 days after the accident, “ensuring there is no more hype regarding the disturbance over traffic at Hebei University.”
            On that same day, censors prohibited reporting on six other incidents. One involved another girl’s death in police custody. Others included an investigation of a Hunan Province security official, the sexual dalliance of a Maoming vice mayor, the abandonment of closed pavilions at Shanghai’s World Expo and the increasing censorship of Internet chat rooms.
            But the Li Gang case was hard to suppress, partly because it personified an enduring grievance: the belief that the powerful can flout the rules to which ordinary folk are forced to submit. Increasingly, that grievance focuses on what Chinese mockingly call the “guan er dai” and “fu er dai” — the “second generation,” children of privileged government officials and the super-rich.
            Realizing the delicacy of the matter, the government tried to shape public reaction in more ways than by simply restricting coverage. After Internet bulletin boards began buzzing with outrage, China’s national television network, CCTV, broadcast an Oct. 22 interview with Li Gang and his son, filled with effusive apologies for the accident. On Oct. 24, the news media reported that Li Qiming, who had been detained by the police the day after the accident, had been arrested.
            Police regulations ostensibly bar interviews with detainees. A Baoding police spokeswoman who identified herself as Ms. Zhou said in an e-mail that the network obtained the interview because it had been approved by the local party propaganda office.
            Ms. Chen’s survivors were not afforded the same access. In early November, Fenghuang Satellite Television, a news channel based in Hong Kong that is available to some in mainland China, broadcast an angry interview with Ms. Chen’s brother, Chen Lin. On Nov. 4, the Central Propaganda Bureau banned further news of the interview.
            But censorship officials were seeking to control a message that had already spread widely.
            On Oct. 20, a female blogger in northern China nicknamed Piggy Feet Beta announced a contest to incorporate the phrase “Li Gang is my father” into classical Chinese poetry. Six thousand applicants replied, one modifying a famous poem by Mao to read “it’s all in the past, talk about heroes, my father is Li Gang.”
            Copycat competitions, using ad slogans and popular song lyrics, quickly sprang up elsewhere on the Internet. In the southern metropolis of Chongqing, an artist created an installation based on the phrase.
            On Nov. 9, Internet chatter on the case abruptly withered. But some have continued to dodge Web censors: starting in early November, the Beijing artist and activist Ai Weiwei posted on his Web site an interview with Ms. Chen’s father and brother, who said he had rejected appeals to negotiate a settlement of the case.
            “In society they say everyone is equal, but in every corner there is inequality,” Chen Lin said.
            “How can you live in this country and this society without any worry?” he added.
            Censors repeatedly blocked the interview. Mr. Ai has played a cat-and-mouse game, moving it to a new Web site every time.
            Finally, last Thursday, the Chens’ lawyer, Mr. Zhang, received a telephone call from his clients. “They thanked me for all the efforts I put into this case,” he said, “but they told me they have resolved their dispute with Li Gang’s family. Half an hour after the call, they came to my office and handed in a termination contract. And after that, they just disappeared.”
            Mr. Zhang said many of his cases involving conflicts between ordinary citizens and powerful people had ended the same way. “In current Chinese society, people put an emphasis on power more than on individual liberty,” he said.
            If the settlement was intended to quash chatter about the Li Gang case, it, too, seems to have accomplished the opposite.
            In Baoding, Hebei University students questioned at random for an hour early this week uniformly denounced the handling of the case of Chen Xiaofeng. “I’d see the case to the end,” said one young man who gave only his surname, Zhang. “Go through the legal process and seek justice.”
            A second student, called Zhao, was unsparing. “This is the kind of society we live in,” he said angrily. “People who have power, they can cover up the sky. We want this settled according to the law.”

Li Bibo contributed research from Beijing.

附中文粗略翻译:
　　保定、中国-一晚在10月下旬,一名大学生名叫陈"溜冰是与朋友为由对河北大学在中央中国。他们滑过去校园杂货店当大众轿车下山了一条小胡同、击杀他们正面的。
　　
　　陈女士发送影响飞行和打破了另一个女人的腿。这位22岁的司机是沉醉,试图速度了。保安拦截他,但他不去防碍追逐。他警告他们:“我爸爸是李刚!”

　　“两个女孩不动,”另一位行人那天晚上,一个学生,他才发现他的姓,段,这个星期说。“有一个小范围的血。第二天,女士陈已经死了。
　　
　　陈"是一个贫穷的农场的女孩。这名男子被指控杀害她自己的,李Qiming,是李刚的儿子,副局长Beishi区在保定。她死亡的故事正是那种——一位平民,引人入胜的socio-drama大大冤枉,特权过犯的人拉弦来逃避惩罚,引发了警钟,在检查员严厉的办公室里。而事实上,党宣传官员迅速在事故发生后,以确保这个故事并没有得到足够的抓地力。

　　奇怪的是,然而,相反的发生了。一个月事故发生后,中国的大部分地区知道这个故事,以及“我的父亲是李刚”已成为悲惨的笑话,国家catchphrase内的任何责任,为逃避洗碗,诚信给女朋友——而不受惩罚。甚至政府的强硬的努力来控制这个故事已经成为对象成为我们四围人的嗤笑尤其是在年轻,有经验的中国人。
　　
　　“有一个小学校新闻频道首先,“一河北大学学生只是得到了自己的姓王,在一个采访中说上个星期。"但是后来就非常安静。我们都很失望的报道新闻阻止这个专业信息。
　　从很多方面来说,李刚怎样,这是众所周知的,它张扬中国的宣传机器-能够偏或杀死新闻印刷机和印刷时代的电视网有时孱弱乏力,在互联网时代的,尤其是当它试图操纵一个简洁的叙述关于滥用职权。
　　
　　“经常,我们将看到指示覆盖面,但这些指示不意味着没有报道,“大卫的分析师Bandurski香港大学的中国媒体项目,在一个采访中说。“他们未必有效。”
　　
　　审查制度在中国越来越不受欢迎,”他补充道。“我们知道怎样不受欢迎的,因为他们必须让指南自己保密。”

　　“博客”或作“牛虻”),讽刺的真理部”,开始穿刺面纱周围的审查,匿名发表言论自由政府的秘密洩漏指示同情者。根据博客的来源,中央宣传部门签署了一项政令在10月28日,10天事故发生后,“确保不再有炒作关于扰动在交通河北大学。”
　　
　　在同一天,审查报告禁止其他六事件。一个涉及到另一个女孩在警方囚禁期间死亡的。其他研究包括了湖南省保安官员,性欲的dalliance茂名副市长、抛弃了在上海的世界博览会的亭已经越来越多,网路聊天室审查。
　　但李刚情况下很难压抑,部分原因是因为它人格化难以磨灭的委屈:信仰的规则可以违抗,普通民间被迫就范。越来越多的中国着重委屈,举止称之为的“关呃关系”和“福尔关系”——“第二代,孩子的特权政府官员和超级富豪。
　　
　　实现美味的事,政府设法形成公共的办法不止反应可以通过简单地限制报道。互联网公告板后开始愤慨嗡嗡作响,中国中央电视台、中央电视台、播送一个月22采访李刚和他的儿子,充满了热情的道歉对这次事故负责。10月24日,在新闻媒体报道,李Qiming,他曾被警察这一天事故发生后,已被逮捕。
　　警察局的条例表面上酒吧采访被拘留。一个保定警方的女发言人认为自己作为女士周在一封邮件中说,网络得到了面试,是因为它有经当地党的宣传办公室。
　　
　　女士陈的幸存者的同样通由于不能。在11月上旬,凤凰卫星电视、一条新闻频道的公司,总部设在香港能获得一些在中国大陆,广播愤怒的采访陈的兄弟,陈女士林。11月4日,在中央宣传部门禁止面试的进一步消息。
　　
　　但审查官员正想要控制了一个信息,即已经传染广泛。
10月20日,在一个女性的博客在中国北部被称为β宣布了一项比赛猪脚将短语“李刚是我的父亲”的中国古诗。6千名申请人回答说,一个修改一个著名的诗了毛泽东对读”都是在过去,谈论英雄,我父亲是李刚。”
　　
　　模仿比赛,使用广告口号和流行歌曲的歌词,迅速从床上跳起其他地方在互联网上。在南方大都市的重庆、艺术家创造了一个安装基于短语。
　　
　　在11月9日,在这个案子网上的谈论突然枯乾了。但是一些人继续减淡网络审查制度:从11月早些时候,北京的艺术家和活动家艾未未贴在他的网站采访女士陈的父亲和哥哥,他表示他拒绝协商离婚协议的上诉案件。
“在社会他们说每个人都是平等的,但在每个角落都不平等,“陈临(音)说。
　　
　　“你怎么能住在这个国家没有任何社会担心吗?”他补充说。
　　
　　反复审查堵塞了面试。先生的人工智能发挥了猫鼠游戏,移动到一个新的网站每一次。
　　
　　最后,上周四,“律师陈济棠了张,收到了客户打来的电话。“他们感谢我所有的努力我放在这种情况下,”他说,“但他们告诉我他们已经解决了他们的争执李刚的家庭成员。半小时会打电话来我的办公室递交了一终止合同。自那以后,他们只是就不见了。
先生张说他的许多案件普通公民之间的冲突已经结束的人的路。”当代中国社会,人们把强调权力,更超过对个人自由,”他说。
　　
　　如果解决打算撤消搬弄是非的人的李刚案例中,它似乎也完成了相反的结论。
　　
　　在保定、河北大学学生质疑随意的一小时一致谴责本星期早些时候的情形的处理等他的。“我想看到的情况下到最后,”一个年轻的男人仅仅告诉他姓。张,“穿过法律程序,寻求正义"。
　　
　　另一个学生,叫著,推波助澜了。”这是一幅多么美好的社会我们居住,”他生气地说。“那些有力量,他们掩盖不了天空。我们希望解决这个问题根据法律。”
　　
　　
　　李池内研究于北京。