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[主题活动] 【甚解小组】【TASK1】原文抄抄抄 FROM 石头 [复制链接]

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发表于 2011-1-21 18:05:26 |显示全部楼层
呼唤石头同学~
靡不有初 鲜克有终

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发表于 2011-1-21 18:25:58 |显示全部楼层
本帖最后由 danteksj 于 2011-1-24 13:20 编辑

DAY1 (21.1. 2011)

后来想了想原来贴的东西和issue的题略远了 还是改个近的吧 哈佛幸福课老师TAL的书【Happier】里关于理想主义和现实主义的讨论


Idealism and realism



I once asked a friend what his calling in life was. He told me that he does not think about his life in terms of calling or some higher purpose. “I am not an idealist,” he said, “but a realist.”



The realist is considered the pragmatist, the person who has both feet firmly planted on the ground. Theidealist is seen as the dreamer, the person who has her eyes toward the horizon anddevotes her time to thinking about calling and purpose. Yet when we set realism and idealism in opposition to one
another—when we live as though having ideals and dreams were unrealistic and detached—we are allowing a false dichotomy
(两分,二分法to hold us back. Being an idealist is being a realist in the deepest sense—it is being true to our real nature. We are so constituted that we actually need our lives to have meaning. Without a higher purpose, a calling, an ideal, we cannot attain our full potential for happiness. While I am not advocating dreaming over doing (both are important), there is a significant truth that many realists—rat racers mostly—ignore: to be idealistic is to be realistic.



Being an idealist is about having a sense of purpose that encompasses our life as a whole; but for us to be happy, it is not enough to experience our life as meaningful on the general level of the big picture. We need to find meaning on the specific level of our daily existence as well. For example, in addition to having the general purpose of creating a happy family or dedicating our life to liberating the oppressed, we also need a specific purpose related to those goals, such as having lunch with our child or taking part in protest marches. It is often difficult to sustain ourselves with the thought of a general sense of purpose that lies far off on the horizon: we need a more specific and tangible sense that we are doing something meaningful next week, tomorrow, later today.




According to French Renaissance philosopher Michel de Montaigne, “The great and glorious masterpiece of man is to live with purpose.” Having a purpose, a goal that provides a sense of direction, imbues our individual actions with meaning—and from experiencing life as a collection of disjointed pieces, we begin to experience it as a masterpiece. An overarching(总体的,总要的) purpose can unify individual activities, just like the overarching theme of a symphony unifies the individual notes. In and of itself, a note does not amount to much, but it becomes significant—and beautiful—when part of a common theme, a common purpose.



RAT RACER: Write about a period in your life when you felt as if you were running on a treadmill, living as a rat racer, for the future. Why were you doing what you were doing? What, if any, were some of the benefits to living that way? What, if any, price did you pay?

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发表于 2011-1-21 18:51:50 |显示全部楼层
鼓掌~~
靡不有初 鲜克有终

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发表于 2011-1-21 18:53:40 |显示全部楼层
本帖最后由 danteksj 于 2011-1-24 00:54 编辑

这篇文章语言很简洁生动,用了一些个人觉得很精彩的比喻。
红宝词汇用红字标出来了
pragmatist (pagmatic的派生词)
encompass
liberate
oppress
masterpiece(这个忘了是不是红宝的了。。)

这篇文章提供一个新颖的角度,什么是理想主义,什么事现实主义,他们是一个对立的概念吗?作者认为理想主义需要现实主义来实现
而现实主义需要理想主义来统筹指引。goal是他们的共性,只是一个较具体较近,一个较抽象较长期。
绿色划线部分即是一个很好的比喻,也是作者的观点。
感觉可以服务以下issue题目。
79. In any realm of life—whether academic, social, business, or political—the only way to succeed is to take a practical, rather than an idealistic, point of view. Pragmatic behavior guarantees survival, whereas idealistic views tend to be superceded by simpler, more immediate opinions. 在任何生活领域中——无论是学术、社会、商业还是政治——获得成功的唯一道路就是采取现实的而不是理想化的观点。实用的行为确保了生存,反之理想化的观点正在趋于被更简化的和更直接的选择所取代。

想要获得成功的道路需要现实的途径,然而人类对成功的追求却是理想主义的体现。idealistic views并不会直白的把自己展现出来,而是体现在人类前进的每一个脚步中。

128. Many people admire idealism, but it usually leads to disappointment or trouble. 很多人向往理想主义,但是它实际上总是带来失望或者麻烦。Idealism: the act or practice of envisioning things in an ideal form. 理想主义用理想的观点看待事物的行为或实践行为。

理想主义不是空想,现实主义也不是蛮干,现实主义与实用主义是统一的,麻烦与失望的产生只是因为你把他们硬生生的分开了。

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发表于 2011-1-27 01:12:09 |显示全部楼层
考完试了 补补这几天作业 节选的几篇对马基雅维利评论
DAY6 1.26

第一篇


Power, Virtù, and Fortune

Machiavelli presents to his readers a vision of political rule purged of extraneous moralizing influences and fully aware of the foundations of politics in the effective exercise of power. The term that best captures Machiavelli's vision of the requirements of power politics is virtù. While the Italian word would normally be translated into English as “virtue,” and would ordinarily convey the conventional connotation of moral goodness, Machiavelli obviously means something very different when he refers to the virtù of the prince. In particular, Machiavelli employs the concept of virtù to refer to the range of personal qualities that the prince will find it necessary to acquire in order to “maintain his state” and to “achieve great things,” the two standard markers of power for him. This makes it brutally clear there can be no equivalence between the conventional virtues and Machiavellian virtù. Machiavelli expects princes of the highest virtù to be capable, as the situation requires, of behaving in a completely evil fashion. For the circumstances of political rule are such that moral viciousness can never be excluded from the realm of possible actions in which the prince may have to engage. Machiavelli's sense of what it is to be a person of virtù can thus be summarized by his recommendation that the prince above all else must acquire a “flexible disposition.” That ruler is best suited for office, on Machiavelli's account, who is capable of varying her/his conduct from good to evil and back again “as fortune and circumstances dictate” (Machiavelli 1965, 66). It is not a coincidence that Machiavelli also uses the term virtù in his book The Art of War in order to describe the strategic prowess of the general who adapts to different battlefield conditions as the situation dictates. Machiavelli sees politics to be a sort of a battlefield on a different scale. Hence, the prince just like the general needs to be in possession of virtù, that is, to know which strategies and techniques are appropriate to what particular circumstances. Thus, virtù winds up being closely connected to Machiavelli's notion of the power. The ruler of virtù is bound to be competent in the application of power; to possess virtù is indeed to have mastered all the rules connected with the effective application of power. Virtù is to power politics what conventional virtue is to those thinkers who suppose that moral goodness is sufficient to be a legitimate ruler: it is the touchstone of political success.

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发表于 2011-1-27 01:26:52 |显示全部楼层

第二篇:

Morality, Religion, and Politics

These basic building blocks of Machiavelli's thought have induced considerable controversy among his readers going back to the sixteenth century, when he was denounced as an apostle of the Devil, but also was read and applied sympathetically by authors (and politicians) enunciating the doctrine of “reason of state” (Viroli 1992). The main source of dispute concerned Machiavelli's attitude toward conventional moral and religious standards of human conduct, mainly in connection with The Prince. For many, his teaching adopts the stance of immoralism or, at least, amoralism. The most extreme versions of this reading find Machiavelli to be a “teacher of evil,” in the famous words of Leo Strauss (1957, 9-10), on the grounds that he counsels leaders to avoid the common values of justice, mercy, temperance, wisdom, and love of their people in preference to the use of cruelty, violence, fear, and deception. A more moderate school of thought, associated with the name of Benedetto Croce (1925), views Machiavelli as simply a “realist” or a “pragmatist” advocating the suspension of commonplace ethics in matters of politics. Moral values have no place in the sorts of decisions that political leaders must make, and it is a category error of the gravest sort to think otherwise. Weaker still is the claim pioneered by Ernst Cassirer (1946) that Machiavelli simply adopts the stance of a scientist—a kind of “Galileo of politics”—in distinguishing between the “facts” of political life and the “values” of moral judgment. Thus, Machiavelli lays claim to the mantle of the founder of “modern” political science, in contrast with Aristotle's classical norm-laden vision of a political science of virtue. Perhaps the mildest version of the amoral hypothesis has been proposed by Quentin Skinner (1978), who claims that the ruler's commission of acts deemed认为) vicious by convention is a “last best” option. Concentrating on the claim in The Prince that a head of state ought to do good if he can, but must be prepared to commit evil if he must (Machiavelli 1965, 58), Skinner argues that Machiavelli prefers conformity to moral virtue ceteris paribus(若其他条件不).

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发表于 2011-1-27 01:36:45 |显示全部楼层
欢迎回归~~
靡不有初 鲜克有终

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发表于 2011-1-27 01:38:36 |显示全部楼层

第三篇 The Prince: Analyzing Power

It has been a common view among political philosophers that there exists a special relationship between moral goodness and legitimate authority. Many authors (especially those who composed mirror-of-princes books or royal advice books during the Middle Ages and Renaissance) believed that the use of political power was only rightful if it was exercised by a ruler whose personal moral character was strictly virtuous. Thus rulers were counseled that if they wanted to succeed—that is, if they desired a long and peaceful reign and aimed to pass their office down to their offspring—they must be sure to behave in accordance with conventional standards of ethical goodness. In a sense, it was thought that rulers did well when they did good; they earned the right to be obeyed and respected inasmuch as they showed themselves to be virtuous and morally upright.

It is precisely this moralistic view of authority that Machiavelli criticizes at length in his best-known treatise, The Prince. For Machiavelli, there is no moral basis on which to judge the difference between legitimate and illegitimate uses of power. Rather, authority and power are essentially coequal: whoever has power has the right to command; but goodness does not ensure power and the good person has no more authority by virtue of being good. Thus, in direct opposition to a moralistic theory of politics, Machiavelli says that the only real concern of the political ruler is the acquisition and maintenance of power (although he talks less about power per se than about “maintaining the state.”) In this sense, Machiavelli presents a trenchant criticism of the concept of authority by arguing that the notion of legitimate rights of rulership adds nothing to the actual possession of power. The Prince purports to reflect the self-conscious political realism of an author who is fully aware—on the basis of direct experience with the Florentine government—that goodness and right are not sufficient to win and maintain political office. Machiavelli thus seeks to learn and teach the rules of political power. For Machiavelli, power characteristically defines political activity, and hence it is necessary for any successful ruler to know how power is to be used. Only by means of the proper application of power, Machiavelli believes, can individuals be brought to obey and will the ruler be able to maintain the state in safety and security.

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发表于 2011-1-27 10:58:30 |显示全部楼层
最后贴一段原文,统治者与诚信的
CHAPTER XVIII


  • CONCERNING THE WAY IN WHICH PRINCES SHOULD KEEP FAITH


    Every one admits how praiseworthy it is in a prince to keep faith, and to live with integrity and not with craft. Nevertheless our experience has been that those princes who have done great things have held good faith of little account, and have known how to circumvent the intellect of men by craft, and in the end have overcome those who have relied on their word. You must know there are two ways of contesting, the one by the law, the other by force; the first method is proper to men, the second to beasts; but because the first is frequently not sufficient, it is necessary to have recourse to the second. Therefore it is necessary for a prince to understand how to avail himself of the beast and the man. This has been figuratively taught to princes by ancient writers, who describe how Achilles and many other princes of old were given to the Centaur Chiron to nurse, who brought them up in his discipline; which means solely that, as they had for a teacher one who was half beast and half man, so it is necessary for a prince to know how to make use of both natures, and that one without the other is not durable. A prince, therefore, being compelled knowingly to adopt the beast, ought to choose the fox and the lion; because the lion cannot defend himself against snares and the fox cannot defend himself against wolves. Therefore, it is necessary to be a fox to discover the snares and a lion to terrify the wolves. Those who rely simply on the lion do not understand what they are about. Therefore a wise lord cannot, nor ought he to, keep faith when such observance may be turned against him, and when the reasons that caused him to pledge it exist no longer. If men were entirely good this precept would not hold, but because they are bad, and will not keep faith with you, you too are not bound to observe it with them. Nor will there ever be wanting to a prince legitimate reasons to excuse this non-observance. Of this endless modern examples could be given, showing how many treaties and engagements have been made void and of no effect through the faithlessness of princes; and he who has known best how to employ the fox has succeeded best.

    But it is necessary to know well how to disguise this characteristic, and to be a great pretender and dissembler; and men are so simple, and so subject to present necessities, that he who seeks to deceive will always find someone who will allow himself to be deceived. One recent example I cannot pass over in silence. Alexander the Sixth did nothing else but deceive men, nor ever thought of doing otherwise, and he always found victims; for there never was a man who had greater power in asserting, or who with greater oaths would affirm a thing, yet would observe it less; nevertheless his deceits always succeeded according to his wishes, because he well understood this side of mankind.

    Therefore it is unnecessary for a prince to have all the good qualities I have enumerated, but it is very necessary to appear to have them. And I shall dare to say this also, that to have them and always to observe them is injurious, and that to appear to have them is useful; to appear merciful, faithful, humane, religious, upright, and to be so, but with a mind so framed that should you require not to be so, you may be able and know how to change to the opposite.

    And you have to understand this, that a prince, especially a new one, cannot observe all those things for which men are esteemed, being often forced, in order to maintain the state, to act contrary to fidelity, friendship, humanity, and religion. Therefore it is necessary for him to have a mind ready to turn itself accordingly as the winds and variations of fortune force it, yet, as I have said above, not to diverge from the good if he can avoid doing so, but, if compelled, then to know how to set about it.


    For this reason a prince ought to take care that he never lets anything slip from his lips that is not replete with the above-named five qualities, that he may appear to him who sees and hears him altogether merciful, faithful, humane, upright, and religious. There is nothing more necessary to appear to have than this last quality, inasmuch as men judge generally more by the eye than by the hand, because it belongs to everybody to see you, to few to come in touch with you. Every one sees what you appear to be, few really know what you are, and those few dare not oppose themselves to the opinion of the many, who have the majesty of the state to defend them; and in the actions of all men, and especially of princes, which it is not prudent to challenge, one judges by the result.

    For that reason, let a prince have the credit of conquering and holding his state, the means will always be considered honest, and he will be praised by everybody; because the vulgar are always taken by what a thing seems to be and by what comes of it; and in the world there are only the vulgar, for the few find a place there only when the many have no ground to rest on.

    One prince of the present time, whom it is not well to name, never preaches anything else but peace and good faith, and to both he is most hostile, and either, if he had kept it, would have deprived him of reputation and kingdom many a time.
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    发表于 2011-1-27 11:21:52 |显示全部楼层
    红宝词汇有点多啦。。先放放

    23. To be an effective leader, a public official must maintain the highest ethical and moral standards. 一个公仆如果想成为一位杰出的领导者就必须保持最高的伦理和道德标准。

    149. Those who treat politics and morality as though they were separate realms fail to understand either the one or the other. 那些把政治和道德看成是两码事的人是既不懂政治又不懂道德的。



    the range of personal qualities that the prince will find it necessary to acquire in order to “maintain his state” and to “achieve great things,” the two standard markers of power for him.对于不同的群体,由于文化背景,或者所代表的利益集团不同,道德准则会有差异,如在第一篇中提到的马基雅维利认为的美德是
    the range of personal qualities that the prince will find it necessary to acquire in order to “maintain his state” and to “achieve great things,” the two standard markers of power for him.这个是对于君主来说的,君主的duty, obligation就是这两点,所以这就是对于他来说的美德。然而要很好实现这两点,却违反了大量的对于平民这个利益群里来说公认的道德标准,如欺骗,在第四篇里马基雅维利写的超级直白。也许现代社会情况会有变化,公仆也不是君主,但是本质上是不变的,一个official leader的义务是什么,或许是为了公民的利益,或许是为了国家的安全,都会有和他相悖的利益群体。在与之对抗时候,如果保持诚实仁慈等等美德,或许他所代表,所要维护的利益群体就会受到严重的侵害。其实现在又个例子很明显,就是关于morality和International Politics的讨论。

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    发表于 2011-1-27 11:46:08 |显示全部楼层
    第二篇是关于马基雅维利的观点一些不同学者的看法,给我们提供了很多破题角度和对观点的补充,比如在其他条件等同情况下,当然我们会去选择更moral的方式。或者说imoral的一些行为是为了达到必须完成的目标的last,best way。

    147. It is impossible for an effective political leader to tell the truth all the time. Complete honesty is not a useful virtue for a political. 对于一个英明的政治领导者来说,总是坦白是不可能的。彻底的诚实对于一个政治家来说是无用的美德。

    这个题也可以从相似的角度破题

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    发表于 2011-1-27 23:37:55 |显示全部楼层
    留一层给之前的单词

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    发表于 2011-1-28 00:14:26 |显示全部楼层
    本帖最后由 danteksj 于 2011-1-28 00:18 编辑



    今天截的段子比较短 所以截两个了

    THE economist 上的一篇文章 后面的是对比佛洛依德的精神分析法和CBT 觉得用处不大。

    It is just over a century since psychoanalysis was first recognised as a science. In 1909 Sigmund Freud gave five lectures at Clark University in Massachusetts that surveyed and explained the fledgling discipline’s achievements to that point—the interpretation of dreams, the analysis of hysteria, the meaning behind jokes, the reasons we make stupid mistakes. Key to them all was the operation of the unconscious, the back-seat driver whispering to us to behave in ways we’d officially disown.

    Later, Freud was to remark that his discovery amounted to a third and final nail in the coffin of human pride. The first was Copernicus’s bubble-bursting calculation that the Earth orbits the sun, thus displacing mankind from its central position in the universe. Second came Darwin’s finding that rather than being God’s special creature, descended from Adam and Eve, man was a monkey. And now Freud’s own postulation of an unconscious implied that we were strangers even to ourselves.

    In adding to this demoralising
    ledger of human limits, however, Freud had unlocked a hitherto concealed dimension. Formerly obscure or ignored parts of the mental map now had a legend, and psychoanalysis established itself as the compass by which the terra incognita(未知领域) could be navigated. Before long the unconscious had slipped off the couch and entered the lingua franca(通用语言), and today it’s virtually impossible to talk about human behaviour without drawing more or less explicitly on Freud’s lexicon. Not only do we speak readily about “unconscious” motivation, but we’ll happily deploy fancy psychoanalytic concepts like “being in denial” in the most ordinary conversations.

    157. The study of an academic discipline alters the way we perceive the world. After studying the discipline, we see the same world as before, but with different eyes. 对于一门学科的研究会改变我们对世界的看法。在学习这门学科之后,我们看到的世界一如既往,但是我们本身的角度和眼光已然不同。

    第二段3个钉子3个论据

    其实尖端的学术研究就是在找不同的途径去更清楚地认识这个世界,世界从来都未变过,而我们的认识却不断地变化着。

    比如目前理论物理学最尖端的弦理论,已经站在了科学和哲学的交界处,这个理论更是彻底的颠覆了我们对物质世界这个概念的理解。

    摘自The Complete Idiot’s Guide to String Theory

    The Ultimate Symphony

    One of the joys of childhood for youngsters is to play “Stump Your Teacher.” It’s a game students can always win and wise teachers encourage.

    When the teacher says that everything is made up of atoms, the bright student asks, “So what are atoms made of?” When the teacher replies that they’re made of subatomic particles called protons, neutrons, and electrons, the student asks, “What are protons and neutrons made of?” As the teacher answers “Even tinier particles called quarks,” the student then wants to know, “What are quarks and electrons made of?”

    At that point, the student wins. Not even the greatest expert in the world can answer that question. It’s the frontier of human knowledge. String theory lets teachers win one more round of the game. It proposes that subatomic particles are sub-sub-subatomic strings. If we zoom in on the particles closely enough, what we usually think of as little billiard balls reveal themselves to be tiny loops or lengths of a more primitive material. These strings vibrate like miniature guitar strings, and each type of particle corresponds to a string playing a certain pitch—as though quarks were middle C, electrons were E flat, and the world around us were a symphony of unimaginable intricacy.
    String theory unites not only the types of particles, but also the ways they behave. Currently, physicists must make do with an uneasy “shotgun marriage” of two explanations for the behavior of matter. Most phenomena, such as electricity and magnetism, fit into the conceptual framework known as quantum theory. But gravity stubbornly refuses to go along.
    It falls under the rubric of Albert Einstein’s general theory of relativity.

    The reason for this split is that gravity is special. Whenever an object exerts a force on another object, the force travels through the space between those objects. But gravity does more. It also warps space.

    Gravity is like a truck that doesn’t just drive down a road but also causes the road surface to buckle as it does so. To bring gravity into the quantum framework requires a theory that can handle this special feature, a quantum theory of gravity.
    Such a theory converts the shotgun marriage into a true union. Because of the connection between gravity and the shape of space, a quantum theory of gravity would also be a quantum theory of space. Space might be far more complex than we give it credit for, like a road that looks smooth and unbroken from a distance but cracked and gnarled when viewed up close. String theory fits the bill. It explains the workings of gravity as one of the ways strings vibrate. In string theory, space and matter are inseparable. Matter would be nowhere without space. Less obvious, we can’t have space without at least the possibility of matter or else gravity wouldn’t behave consistently.

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    发表于 2011-1-28 00:19:34 |显示全部楼层
    我去 红宝词又白画了 明天再编辑

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    发表于 2011-1-30 08:20:40 |显示全部楼层
    upup~~寻觅石头同学~
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    RE: 【甚解小组】【TASK1】原文抄抄抄 FROM 石头 [修改]

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    【甚解小组】【TASK1】原文抄抄抄 FROM 石头
    https://bbs.gter.net/thread-1226485-1-1.html
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