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[每日一星] 每日一星传奇里根精彩一生 [复制链接]

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Cancer巨蟹座 荣誉版主

楼主
发表于 2004-8-4 15:46:44 |只看该作者

每日一星传奇里根精彩一生

不知道有人做过没有,有的话就合并或删掉吧

Ronald Reagan

“Whatever else history may say about me when I’m gone, I hope it will record that I appealed to your best hopes, not your worst fears; to your confidence rather than your doubts. My dream is that you will travel the road ahead with liberty’s lamp guiding your steps and opportunity’s arm steadying your way.”

英文的简介:http://www.reaganlibrary.com/reagan/
  演员里根:为从政打下了基础

  里根出生在一个并不富有的家庭,曾一边打工一边上大学。他的口才非常好,爱好体育和戏剧。毕业后,里根当过游泳教练、播音员,后来进入好莱坞当电影和电视演员,并于第二次世界大战期间应征入伍,在空军服役。退伍后,里根重返好莱坞,此后20多年,他在50部影片中担任角色。1947年至1952年和1959年至1960年里根先后两次任电影演员协会主席,1949年当选为电影业委员会主席。

  演员经历积聚人脉

  从22岁到54岁,里根整个青年到中年都陷在文艺圈内,对于从政完全陌生。然而当机会来临,共和党内的保守派和一些富豪们竭力怂恿他竞选加州州长时,里根毅然决定放弃影视职业,决心开辟人生的新领域。里根要改变自己的生活道路,并非突发奇想,而是与其知识、能力、经历、胆识分不开的。

  当他受聘成为通用电气公司的电视节目主持人时,里根曾花大量时间巡回在各个分厂,同工人和管理人员广泛接触。这使得他有大量机会认识社会各界人士,全面了解社会的政治、经济情况。里根把一些工人反映的问题通过节目播出后,引起了强烈的共鸣。

  好莱坞为从政赢得民众

  里根加入共和党后,为帮助保守派头目竞选议员募集资金,他利用演员身份在电视上发表了一篇题为“可供选择的时代”的演讲。因其出色的表演才能,大获成功,演说募集了600万美元。《纽约时报》称之为美国竞选史上筹款最多的一篇演说。里根一夜之间成为共和党保守派心目中的代言人。演员的经历,不但不是从政的障碍,而且如果运用得当,还会为争夺选票赢得民众发挥作用。里根发现了这一秘密后,便充分利用自己的优势———好莱坞“典型的美男子”的风度和魅力,并邀约一批著名的影星、歌星、画家等艺术名流助阵,使共和党竞选活动别开生面,吸引了众多观众。

  1980年,里根入主白宫。就是这样一个好莱坞二流演员,不仅当上美国总统,还缔造了一个强大的时代。



  政治里根:白宫生涯功过对半?

  “厨房内阁”助其进白宫

  1965年春天,洛杉矶一位富有车商相中了里根,广邀加州的百万富翁全力赞助里根竞选加州州长。这些后来被称为里根“厨房内阁”的百万富翁出巨资为里根聘请了极有竞争经验的人士领导其竞选班子。最终,里根以多出100万票拱倒原州长布朗。

  在任州长期间,里根的触角实际上已经伸到了华盛顿。1968年,里根向白宫发起了第一次冲击,但败给了尼克松。1980年,里根成了叫板卡特的头号政治对手。为了确保击败对手,他与乔治·布什结成了最佳政治搭档。在大选中,里根取得了决定性的胜利:51%的选民把票投给了他。

  遇刺让他坐稳白宫

  里根上任伊始便展开了大刀阔斧的改革:把民主党工作人员全都赶下岗;把个人所得税减少25%;对社会项目进行大规模削砍;五角大楼的军费每年增加9%。

  这些计划太富争议了,美国选民对他的表现是否满意根本没有把握。不过,就在他当总统第17天,一桩意外的刺杀事件使他成了美国民众心目中的英雄。当他住院12天复出时,没有人再对他的经济和国内政策提出质疑。1982年3月,里根开始面临国内“经济萧条”的压力,直到1983年秋天,他稳住了阵脚。

  随后,里根开始把他的精力转到国际关系上。就在各方呼吁冻结核武器之际,里根猛烈抨击前苏联是“邪恶帝国”,并端出了“星球大战”计划。另外,里根还推出了他强硬的中东计划,把陆战队派到黎巴嫩,试图结束两派的战争。

  第二任期上任不久后发生的“伊朗门”事件几乎把里根轰下台,好在替罪羊找得好,最终使其免于提前下台的危险。当然,在他的第二个任期期间,他最引人注目的是与前苏联签署了导弹削减协议,并且化解了美苏两国的对抗。



  惊险里根:多次遇险化险为夷

  里根在任内经历了许多惊险———本人遇刺、政治丑闻、恐怖袭击,但他都化险为夷。

  上任不久遭遇刺杀

  1981年3月30日,里根宣誓就职后的第17天。这天下午2时25分,里根总统在华盛顿的希尔顿饭店对3500名劳联-产联的代表发表演讲之后,在步出饭店时突遭袭击。枪手是一个名叫欣克利的25岁年轻人。凶手当场被抓住,送进了精神病院。12天后,里根康复出院。

  “伊朗门”特大丑闻

  1986年11月4日,一家杂志披露了一条轰动世界的内幕新闻:美国前国家安全事务助理麦克法兰和他的4名助手,曾于1986年5月秘密访问德黑兰,伊朗要求美国提供更多的武器。事隔不久,4架C-130运输机神秘地飞往伊朗。美国多次同伊朗秘密接触,试图通过伊朗施加影响,把在黎巴嫩关押的美国人质救出来。

  为弄清真相,美国国会参、众两院联合组成的特别调查委员会和负责调查国家安全委员会工作的一个特别委员会,曾多次举行秘密和公开的听证会。有关人员全被调查过,里根也两次接受调查。1989年7月5日,华盛顿联邦地区法院作出宣判,判处曾参与此事的关键性人物奥利弗·诺思中校3年徒刑,缓期执行,处以罚金15万美元。

  美军遭遇恐怖袭击

  1983年10月23日,贝鲁特的美国海军陆战队兵营与另一个法国伞兵营地遭遇自杀式炸弹袭击,300人丧生。

  在贝鲁特的海军陆战队兵营被炸平以后,里根最终被迫把黎巴嫩境内的美军全部撤回。



  感情里根:爱情亲情友情

  爱情:一长一短两段情缘

  里根有过两段爱情:第一段短暂,第二段忠贞久远。1940年,里根29岁时第一次结婚,太太叫简·惠曼,也是演员。一年后,简·惠曼生了女儿莫琳。二次大战后,由于里根演艺事业停滞不前,两人离婚。1952年,里根第二次结婚。这位妻子就是南希。里根和南希初次相遇是在1949年。3年后,他们喜结连理。里根遇刺后,里根和南希的爱情变得更加浓烈,他们手拉着手穿越了各种考验。

  亲情:晚年儿女不孝

  但当人们在羡慕这对恩爱无比的老夫妻时,也许不知道他们的生活中也有很大的欠缺,那就是子女不孝。据悉,里根一共有4个子女,其中女儿莫琳是里根与前妻所生。而里根与南希共有3个孩子,养子迈克尔、女儿帕蒂和小儿子罗恩。

  里根子女的不孝在里根得病后,暴露无遗,问题还是出在金钱上。在里根刚从总统位置上退下来时,仍享有很高的薪水,再加上外出演讲以及著书立传的收入,可谓手头颇丰。而他们的儿女每月可从南希手中拿到数量可观的“零用钱”,所以家庭关系还算和睦。但自从里根患上老年痴呆症后,为了支付昂贵的医疗费用,南希中断了向孩子们定期发放的“零用钱”。这顿时引起里根儿女的不满,甚至将怨气发泄在患有重病的父亲身上。

  友情:与撒切尔夫人亲如一家

  里根与英国前首相撒切尔夫人关系可谓不同一般,甚至有历史学家认为,英美所建立的特殊关系归功于两人之间牢固的相互信任。1994年,撒切尔夫人在华盛顿为里根的83岁生日发表了贺词,几日后,里根在给撒切尔夫人的一封信中写道:“我觉得,是上帝出于一种深远的目的把我们联系在一起。”对里根而言,这个“深远目的”是指当时同前苏联的争霸。

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Aquarius水瓶座 荣誉版主

沙发
发表于 2004-8-4 16:03:01 |只看该作者
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Reagan, Ronald W(ilson)
I  INTRODUCTION

Reagan, Ronald W(ilson) (1911- ), 40th president of the United States (1981-1989), who implemented policies that reversed trends toward greater government involvement in economic and social regulation. He also brought in a new style of presidential leadership, downgrading the role of the president as an administrator and increasing the importance of communication via national news media. He was the oldest person ever to serve as president.

Reagan first became famous as an actor in Hollywood motion pictures and a television host. His emergence as a political figure was based on his personal charm and his identification with conservative groups who believed that the nation had strayed from its traditional values. Many saw Reagan as a personal and ideological symbol of these values. Having never held public office, Reagan became governor of California, the most populous state, in 1967, and almost immediately thereafter was a serious candidate for the presidency.

II  EARLY LIFE

Reagan was born in Tampico, Illinois, the younger of two sons of Nelle and John Reagan. His father was a traveling shoe salesman. Reagan was strongly influenced by his mother, who taught him to read at an early age. Most of his childhood was spent in Dixon, Illinois, a small town about 155 km (96 mi) west of Chicago.

Reagan won a scholarship to study at Eureka College, a small Disciples of Christ college near Peoria, Illinois. He majored in economics, and he was president of the student body, a member of the football team, and captain of the swimming team. He was also drawn toward acting, but upon graduation in 1932 the only job available related to show business was as a local radio sportscaster. In 1936 he became a sportscaster for station WHO in Des Moines, Iowa.

In 1937 Reagan went to Hollywood and began an acting career that spanned more than 25 years. He played in more than 50 films, including Knute Rockne-All American (1940), King's Row (1942), and Bedtime for Bonzo (1951). He soon became active in the Screen Actors Guild (the union for film actors) and was elected six times as its president. He married actress Jane Wyman and they had two children: Maureen and Michael, an adopted son. After eight years, the marriage ended in divorce. In 1952 Reagan married another actress, Nancy Davis, daughter of an Illinois neurosurgeon. They had two children, Patricia and Ronald.

Reagan's first political activities were associated with his responsibilities as a union leader. As union president, Reagan tried to remove suspected Communists from the movie industry. When the U.S. House Committee on Un-American Activities began an investigation in 1947 on the influence of Communists in the film industry, Reagan took a strong anti-Communist stand testifying before the committee.

In 1954 Reagan agreed to work with the General Electric Company to host a 30-minute television series and to make promotional tours speaking to General Electric employees around the country. Reagan spoke to large audiences, promoting the free-enterprise system–an economic system in which individuals and private businesses produce and distribute goods without government regulation. Despite his tendency to vote for Republican candidates for president (Dwight D. Eisenhower in 1952 and 1956 and for Richard M. Nixon in 1960), Reagan was a registered Democrat until 1962.

Reagan emerged on the national political scene in 1964 when he made an impassioned television speech supporting the Republican presidential candidate, United States Senator Barry Goldwater from Arizona. Although Goldwater lost the election, Reagan's speech brought in money and praise from Republicans around the country.

A group of Republicans in Californians persuaded a receptive Reagan to run for governor of California in 1966. Reagan appealed to traditional Republican voters as well as to working-class Democrats. He defeated Edmund G. (Pat) Brown, Sr., the incumbent Democrat, by almost a million votes.

III  EARLY POLITICAL CAREER
A  Governor of California

During his first term Reagan temporarily stopped government hiring to slow the growth of the state workforce, but he also approved tax increases to balance the state budget. He cut funding for the University of California, a center of the student protest movement of the late 1960s, but after protests died down he increased funding for higher education.

Reagan was elected to a second term in 1970, defeating Democrat Jesse Unruh, although he won by a much smaller margin than in 1966. Reagan worked with the Democratic majority in the state legislature to enact a major reform of the welfare system in 1971. The reform reduced the number of people receiving state aid, while increasing the benefits for those who remained eligible. By 1973 budget surpluses enabled Reagan to begin tax rebates that returned almost six billion dollars to taxpayers.

As governor, Reagan became one of several widely known conservative politicians who wanted to restrict government involvement in the economy and society. In 1968, during his first term as governor, he entered the race for the Republican presidential nomination. He lost the nomination to Richard M. Nixon, who went on to win the presidency.

After completing his term as governor, Reagan decided to challenge incumbent President Gerald Ford for the 1976 Republican presidential nomination. Reagan won an unexpected victory in the North Carolina primary and won many delegates in the Midwest and the West, but Ford was nominated by a narrow margin at the Republican National Convention in August. Ford's defeat by Georgia Democrat Jimmy Carter in the presidential election led some Republicans to wonder whether Reagan might have won had he been in Ford's place, and Reagan began to plan another presidential run in 1980.

B  The Election of 1980

Reagan, who had spent years making political friends at party fund-raising dinners around the country, announced his candidacy in November 1979. He became the immediate favorite to capture the nomination and, except for an unexpected defeat by former Republican Party Chairman George Bush in the Iowa caucuses, he easily defeated his rivals for the Republican nomination.

At the 1980 Republican convention, delegates adopted a conservative political program for the party. Former President Gerald Ford was considered as the vice-presidential candidate, but when Ford's negotiators proposed that the vice-president should share presidential powers, Reagan rejected the plan. Instead, he chose George Bush as his running mate.

During the fall campaign against Democratic President Jimmy Carter, the biggest political issue was the economy. Reagan blamed Carter for the recession that had begun in 1980 and for increasing inflation. He also accused Carter of weakness in foreign policy and called for a stronger military.

His claim that Carter had a weak foreign policy seemed to be substantiated by a lengthy hostage crisis in Tehrān, Iran. In November 1979 after Carter had allowed the deposed shah of Iran to enter the United States for medical treatment, a group of Iranian revolutionaries stormed the U.S. embassy in Tehrān and held 53 Americans as hostages. United States media publicized the plight of the hostages and Carter's failure to release them. They were eventually released in January 1981, on the day of Reagan’s inauguration.

The contrast between the television personalities of the two candidates was also very important. Carter's stiff, nervous manner had never been popular, while Reagan's charm and his call for a return to patriotism and traditional morality appealed to the public. Many voters believed that Reagan was a forceful leader who could restore prosperity at home and prevent national humiliation abroad.

Reagan won the election by a landslide, receiving 51 percent to Carter’s 41 percent. Moderate Republican John Anderson, running as an independent, received nearly 7 percent. In the Electoral College, Reagan won a ten-to-one victory.

IV  PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES

Ronald Reagan presided over the most far-reaching changes in U.S. government economic and social policy in half a century. His administration succeeded in eliminating or reducing many social programs begun by the federal government under presidents Franklin D. Roosevelt (1933-1945) and Lyndon Baines Johnson (1963-1969) and in lifting many restrictions on business activities.

As president, Reagan delegated much of the day-to-day administrative work to his staff. He defined his management style as “to identify the problem, find the right individuals to do the job, and then let them go to it.” Reagan's chief function in his administration was as “the great communicator.” He served as a spokesman for the conservative coalition that had backed his campaign for the presidency.

This coalition included businessmen opposed to government regulation of private enterprise and anti-Communists who believed that the United States should build up its military strength to deter possible aggression by the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics (USSR). Reagan also received strong support from conservative religious groups, who were unhappy about what they saw as decreasing respect for religion in public life and about increasingly permissive attitudes, especially with respect to sex and drugs, that had emerged in the late 1960s. These groups often had little in common, and it took a politician with Reagan's charm to smooth over their differences.

Reagan also won a solid following among moderate middle-class and working-class Americans, many of whom traditionally had supported the Democratic Party. He won their support with his assertion that the federal government imposed excessive taxation and had grown too large and cumbersome. Reagan spoke out against what he described as overgrown government bureaucracy, expensive social programs, and federal regulatory agencies that interfered in the private lives and business dealings of U.S. citizens.

Reagan's decisive defeat of Carter could be interpreted as a public desire for change. His strength in the 1980 election helped the Republicans win a majority in the Senate—for the first time in 26 years—and reduced the Democratic majority in the House. With control of the House, Democrats had the ability to block many of Reagan’s initiatives. However, Reagan often appealed directly to the people through the media, and his abilities as a speaker did much to influence public opinion in favor of his programs.

On March 30, 1981, an unstable drifter named John W. Hinckley shot Reagan in the chest during an assassination attempt. A court later found Hinckley not guilty because of insanity and committed him to a mental hospital. Public sympathy after the assassination attempt increased public support for Reagan, which helped him push his program through the Congress.

At first, the recession that Reagan had inherited from Carter deepened. Almost 11 percent of the workforce was unemployed by the fall of 1982. The recession reduced inflation significantly, but interest rates remained high and the 1982 elections brought substantial Democratic gains in the House. During the next two years, however, economic recovery began. Inflation remained low and the unemployment rate went down.

In 1984 the Republicans nominated Reagan and Bush for a second term. Reagan's Democratic opponent, Walter Mondale, ran a lackluster campaign in which he proposed tax increases to reduce the budget deficits. Reagan promised to keep taxes down, and won 59 percent of the popular vote and carried 49 states. In congressional races the Democrats did better, keeping a large House majority and gaining seats in the Senate.

In the 1986 elections the Democrats regained control of the Senate. During his last two years in office, lacking a majority in either house of Congress and unable to run for reelection himself, Reagan found it harder to get his legislative proposals enacted.

A  Domestic Affairs
A1  Economic Policy

Reagan based his economic program on a theory known as supply-side economics. This theory, which became popularly known as Reaganomics, advocated a reduction in taxes and government spending in order to leave more money in the hands of citizens. According to supply-side theory, citizens would spend the money on products or services, which would give a boost to the economy, or they would invest the money in businesses, which would cause the economy to expand. Initially government revenues would be reduced by the tax cuts. However, supply-side theorists believed that the resulting economic growth would eventually increase taxable income, which, in turn, would cause government revenues to grow.

Using this argument, in 1981 Reagan persuaded Congress to pass the Economic Recovery Tax Act, which enacted tax cuts of 25 percent over three years. These tax cuts mainly benefited upper-income taxpayers and large corporations, individuals who Reagan argued would be more likely to invest their money in business ventures that would promote economic growth. Between 1977 and 1988 most individuals in the income categories below the national average saw a slight increase in their tax rates, while most individuals in the upper income categories had their tax rates reduced by a moderate amount. The greatest increase involved a 1.6 percent rate increase for taxpayers among the lowest ten percent of wage earners. On the other end of the spectrum, those 1 percent of taxpayers with the nation’s highest incomes saw their rates decrease by 6 percent over the same period.

Reagan also obtained approval for cuts in spending for government social programs, including job training, college loans, food and medical programs, payments for those with disabilities, child daycare centers, and centers for the elderly. Reagan believed that many of these programs made individuals dependent on government support and weakened the structure of American families.

Reagan persuaded Congress to deregulate many industries, hoping that the removal of government restrictions would allow businesses to save money as well as the time spent complying with regulations. It was also hoped that businesses would also find it easier to invest in new areas. In 1982, for example, Congress passed the Garn-Saint Germain Depository Institutions Act, which tried to help struggling savings and loan institutions by allowing them to make much riskier investments.

As part of the deregulation process, Reagan relaxed environmental and safety standards, stating that the time and expense spent complying with these regulations caused undue hardships for American businesses. His environmental policies reversed a growing trend toward more government legislation and regulatory bodies designed to protect and improve the quality of the environment. He appointed Anne Burford, who opposed many regulations on air quality and the disposal of toxic waste, to head the Environmental Protection Agency. James Watt, Reagan's secretary of the interior, supported allowing businesses such as mining and timber harvesting to use the resources on public lands.

The tax cuts, deregulation, and relaxing of environmental and safety standards did produce economic growth. It also fueled a five-year increase in the stock market (see Stock Exchange). Investors discovered that they could make profits by financing high-risk business deals that were now allowed under the administration’s deregulation policy. The stock market surge was intensified by a wave of billion-dollar mergers and takeovers. As a result, the 1980s were a prosperous time for many Americans, particularly the well-to-do, who benefited most from the Reagan tax cuts.

Although Reagan reduced expenditures on a number of government programs, he made several significant deviations from the principles of supply-side economics. He exempted selected programs from budget reductions, including such public assistance programs as social security and Medicare. These programs provided financial and medical assistance for elderly and disadvantaged citizens. Many Americans viewed them as an essential safety net against extreme poverty or personal misfortune. Another major exception was funding for the military. Unwilling to weaken the U.S. armed forces, Reagan proposed no cuts in the federal defense budget. During the Reagan presidency defense spending actually increased sharply—from $134 billion in 1980 to $290 billion in 1988.

These exemptions to the budget cuts and the loss of federal revenue from tax cuts created difficulties in balancing the federal budget. As a result, the government borrowed extensively to pay its bills. Government debt rose from $908 billion in 1980 to $2.6 trillion in 1988. Much of this money came from abroad, especially from Japan. Borrowing money to pay the debt caused the government to spend a greater proportion of its budget on interest payments for loans. In 1980, before Reagan took office, the government set aside less than 10 percent of its budget for interest payments. That number had climbed to more than 15 percent by 1992, the final year in the presidency of Reagan’s successor George Bush, who had continued many of Reagan’s economic policies.

The budget deficit kept interest rates so high that the value of the dollar soared in relation to major foreign currencies. As a result, U.S. manufacturers found it difficult to compete with their foreign rivals and thousands of industrial jobs disappeared. By the end of the 1980s the percentage of workers in manufacturing jobs had decreased by one-fifth. Although unemployment declined, most new jobs were in service industries that generally paid less in wages.

Consumer spending for manufactured products grew, but mainly for inexpensive imports, which enticed Americans to spend larger amounts of money on foreign products. As a result the United States further increased its foreign debt throughout the 1980s by spending more on imported goods than it earned from exports. The U.S. trade deficit climbed from $24.2 billion in 1980 to a high of $152.7 billion in 1986.

In an effort to reduce foreign indebtedness, the government undertook a substantial devaluation of the dollar in 1986. Devaluation, which lowered the value of the dollar in relation to foreign currency, made American products less expensive and therefore more desirable in foreign markets. However, devaluation failed to erase the trade deficit.

Confidence in the U.S. economy was shaken in October 1987, when a panic on Wall Street caused the value of stocks to plummet sharply. After the crash prominent members of Congress called for greater presidential leadership to put the government's financial house in order, and Congress approved fewer increases in the military budget.

A2  Social Policy

Reagan's administration had a powerful impact on civil rights initiatives. Reagan believed many of the social programs and anti-discrimination laws passed in the 1960s and 1970s to improve conditions for minorities actually worked to increase ethnic and racial divisions in the United States. For the first time since the 1960s, the federal government stopped actively promoting programs designed to promote social and economic advancement for minority groups. See Civil Rights and Civil Liberties.

Reagan was particularly opposed to programs such as affirmative action, which favored minorities in jobs, education, and the awarding of government contracts. While proponents of the program thought affirmative action was necessary to counteract the effects of years of discrimination, conservatives felt affirmative action amounted to reverse discrimination by granting minority groups special privileges that were denied to the majority of Americans.

In 1981 the government announced that it would no longer require contractors doing business with the federal government to comply with affirmative action programs. During the Reagan administration, the U.S. Justice Department supported a number of legal challenges to affirmative action laws. The debate begun during the Reagan years over the effectiveness of affirmative action continued to generate controversy throughout the 1990s.

Under Reagan the Justice Department also cut back its efforts to enforce job discrimination and fair housing laws. It also opposed court-ordered school busing, in which children were bused from one neighborhood to another within a city in order to achieve racial integration in public schools. Reagan expressed the opinion that court-ordered busing was an unwarranted federal intervention in local government and that it destroyed the community nature of neighborhood schools. The Reagan administration supported legal challenges to busing and also defended tax breaks for private schools that were exempt from participation in busing.

A3  Judicial Appointments

During the Reagan years almost half of the federal district and appeals judgeships became vacant and Reagan appointed conservatives to these courts. By the end of his term, he had also appointed three of the nine Justices of the Supreme Court of the United States. In 1981 Reagan nominated Sandra Day O'Connor, who became the first woman to serve on the Supreme Court. In 1986 he nominated Associate Justice William Rehnquist as chief justice and named Antonin Scalia to replace him as associate justice. The Senate confirmed these nominations. In 1987, however, the Senate refused to confirm Reagan nominee Robert Bork. Liberal groups across the nation protested the nomination, pointing to Bork’s well-known positions against abortion, affirmative action, and First Amendment protection for non-political speech. Reagan's next nominee, Douglas Ginsburg, admitted that he had smoked marijuana and was forced to withdraw his nomination. Finally, Reagan named Anthony Kennedy, a moderate whose views on controversial issues were unknown, and his nomination was confirmed.

B  Foreign Affairs
B1  Fighting Communism

Reagan changed the tone, but not the course, of foreign policy. Détente, a peaceful if strained policy of coexistence with the USSR that was stressed in the 1970s, was deemphasized, and U.S. foreign policy opposed governments and movements said to be under Soviet influence.

Reagan devoted particular attention to reversing the tide of Marxist revolution in Central America and the Caribbean. After the Nicaraguan Revolution deposed dictator Anastasio Somoza in 1979, the United States accused the new Sandinista government of aiding Marxist rebels in neighboring El Salvador. The United States cut off its aid to Nicaragua in 1981 and began to support an anti-Sandinista guerrilla movement known as the Contras. In 1982 Nicaragua signed an aid pact with the USSR. Reagan then mounted a major campaign to overthrow the Sandinistas by supplying weapons, money, and training to the Contras. Reagan also sent arms and advisers to the regime in El Salvador. In 1983 U.S. troops invaded the Caribbean island nation of Grenada after Marxist rebels overthrew the government there.

The Reagan administration also supported two other major struggles against regimes based on forms of Marxism. It sent military equipment to Muslim guerrillas fighting the Communist government of Afghanistan, which was supported by Soviet troops, and joined with South Africa in aiding guerrillas fighting the Marxist government of Angola.

Under Reagan, U.S. relations with the USSR were cool, partly because of the U.S. military build-up, particularly the Strategic Defense Initiative (SDI; popularly known as Star Wars). In theory, SDI would permit the United States to intercept enemy missiles before they hit their targets. The USSR objected to the Star Wars program, believing it threatened the security of the USSR. The program was also controversial in the United States, and many experts believed that SDI was technically unfeasible, prohibitively expensive, or both.

Reagan's insistence on the Star Wars program brought strategic arms control talks to a standstill and provoked strong protests from Soviet leader Mikhail Gorbachev during his summit meetings with Reagan in 1985, 1986, 1987, and 1988. In 1987 the two leaders did agree to scrap land-based nuclear missiles of intermediate and shorter range, a small fraction of their nuclear arsenals.

B2  The Middle East

In the Middle East, Reagan intervened several times with U.S. forces. In the early 1980s, armed conflict broke out in Lebanon between the Christian government and a number of Muslim groups. In 1982, in an effort to strengthen the Christian government, Reagan sent marines to Lebanon. In October 1983 a bomb killed nearly 250 marines and other U.S. service members at their Beirut headquarters. Reagan withdrew the surviving marines early in 1984. The Beirut bombing and incidents elsewhere created a strong reaction against Middle East-based terrorists in U.S. public opinion.

In 1986 a bomb in a West German dance club killed a U.S. soldier and injured others. The Reagan administration claimed that Libya was responsible for the bombing and other terrorist activities, and retaliated with air strikes against several Libyan cities on April 15, 1986.

In 1987 U.S. naval forces were sent to the Persian Gulf after Kuwait asked for both U.S. and Soviet protection of its shipping during the Iran-Iraq War. The Reagan administration was anxious to prevent Iran from defeating Iraq, which would diminish U.S. influence in the region, and the naval patrols exchanged fire with Iranian gunboats.

B3  The Iran-Contra Scandal

The last two years of Reagan's presidency were marred by the Iran-Contra Affair, a political scandal that turned public attention to the effectiveness of Reagan’s hands-off management style and damaged his reputation.

As a result of the Iranian hostage crisis of 1979 and 1980, Congress had designated Iran as a terrorist nation and had outlawed the sale of arms to the Iranian government. In November 1986 newspapers reported that the U.S. government had secretly sold weapons to Iran in order to win Iranian support in freeing U.S. hostages held by Lebanese terrorists friendly to Iran. This incident was particularly embarrassing because Reagan had taken a strong public stand against governments that supported terrorism and had repeatedly urged other governments not to deal with nations that supported terrorists.

Newspaper accounts also revealed that the United States had diverted profits from the weapons sales to help the Contras fighting the Sandinista government in Nicaragua. The diversion of the funds was a direct violation of the Boland amendment, a law that had forbidden U.S. military aid to the Contras. Reagan denied any knowledge of the diversion of funds to the Contras, and he claimed that the weapons deal with Iran was an attempt to open a dialogue with moderate elements in the Iranian government and did not involve negotiations over hostages in Lebanon.

When congressional hearings were held in 1987, attention centered particularly on how deeply Reagan was personally involved in the affair. A congressional report found no clear evidence that the president had known of the diversion of funds to the Contras. However, the report criticized the incompetence of the administration's secret operations as well as the president’s lack of supervision over his advisers’ actions.

C  End of the Reagan Administration

The Iran-Contra scandal tarnished Reagan's public image. His claim that he had been unaware of what his staff was doing was not well received, and his original assertion that the arms were not ransom payments for hostages seemed to contradict the facts revealed at the hearing. Reagan's political influence was also diminished by the efforts of politicians to position themselves for the 1988 elections, in which Reagan would not be a candidate. Congress began to reject some Reagan initiatives. The Iran-Contra scandal was followed by the rejection of the Bork nomination, a congressional override of Reagan's veto of a civil-rights enforcement bill, and another congressional refusal to fund Contra military operations.

V  LATER YEARS

After retiring to California, Reagan supported conservatives on many issues. He published his autobiography, An American Life, in 1990, and he presided at the opening of the Ronald Reagan Presidential Library in Simi Valley, California, in 1991.

In November 1994 Reagan announced that he had Alzheimer's disease, a degenerative disease of the brain. One year later Reagan and his wife Nancy announced that the couple, along with the national Alzheimer's Association, would establish the Ronald and Nancy Reagan Research Institute to help find treatments and eventually a cure for the disease.


Microsoft ® Encarta ® Reference Library 2004. © 1993-2003 Microsoft Corporation. All rights reserved.
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Aquarius水瓶座 荣誉版主

板凳
发表于 2004-8-4 16:07:53 |只看该作者
Ronald Reagan's First Inaugural Address
United States President Ronald Wilson Reagan delivered his first inaugural address on January 20, 1981. Faced with growing unemployment and inflation, Reagan strongly stated his goal to reduce the role of the federal government in the economy and to decrease the size and scope of the federal government in general. According to Reagan’s philosophy, regulation by the federal government stifled job growth and dampened innovations in industry. He promised to reduce what he called the “punitive tax burden” on Americans and to implement policies to stimulate economic growth.


Ronald W. Reagan’s First Inaugural Address


Senator Hatfield, Mr. Chief Justice, Mr. President, Vice President Bush, Vice President Mondale, Senator Baker, Speaker O'Neill, Reverend Moomaw, and my fellow citizens:


To a few of us here today, this is a solemn and most momentous occasion; and yet, in the history of our Nation, it is a commonplace occurrence. The orderly transfer of authority as called for in the Constitution routinely takes place as it has for almost two centuries and few of us stop to think how unique we really are. In the eyes of many in the world, this every-four-year ceremony we accept as normal is nothing less than a miracle.


Mr. President, I want our fellow citizens to know how much you did to carry on this tradition. By your gracious cooperation in the transition process, you have shown a watching world that we are a united people pledged to maintaining a political system which guarantees individual liberty to a greater degree than any other, and I thank you and your people for all your help in maintaining the continuity which is the bulwark of our Republic.


The business of our nation goes forward. These United States are confronted with an economic affliction of great proportions. We suffer from the longest and one of the worst sustained inflations in our national history. It distorts our economic decisions, penalizes thrift, and crushes the struggling young and the fixed-income elderly alike. It threatens to shatter the lives of millions of our people.


Idle industries have cast workers into unemployment, causing human misery and personal indignity. Those who do work are denied a fair return for their labor by a tax system which penalizes successful achievement and keeps us from maintaining full productivity.


But great as our tax burden is, it has not kept pace with public spending. For decades, we have piled deficit upon deficit, mortgaging our future and our children's future for the temporary convenience of the present. To continue this long trend is to guarantee tremendous social, cultural, political, and economic upheavals.


You and I, as individuals, can, by borrowing, live beyond our means, but for only a limited period of time. Why, then, should we think that collectively, as a nation, we are not bound by that same limitation?


We must act today in order to preserve tomorrow. And let there be no misunderstanding—we are going to begin to act, beginning today.


The economic ills we suffer have come upon us over several decades. They will not go away in days, weeks, or months, but they will go away. They will go away because we, as Americans, have the capacity now, as we have had in the past, to do whatever needs to be done to preserve this last and greatest bastion of freedom.


In this present crisis, government is not the solution to our problem.


From time to time, we have been tempted to believe that society has become too complex to be managed by self-rule, that government by an elite group is superior to government for, by, and of the people. But if no one among us is capable of governing himself, then who among us has the capacity to govern someone else? All of us together, in and out of government, must bear the burden. The solutions we seek must be equitable, with no one group singled out to pay a higher price.


We hear much of special interest groups. Our concern must be for a special interest group that has been too long neglected. It knows no sectional boundaries or ethnic and racial divisions, and it crosses political party lines. It is made up of men and women who raise our food, patrol our streets, man our mines and our factories, teach our children, keep our homes, and heal us when we are sick—professionals, industrialists, shopkeepers, clerks, cabbies, and truckdrivers. They are, in short, "We the people," this breed called Americans.


Well, this administration's objective will be a healthy, vigorous, growing economy that provides equal opportunity for all Americans, with no barriers born of bigotry or discrimination. Putting America back to work means putting all Americans back to work. Ending inflation means freeing all Americans from the terror of runaway living costs.


All must share in the productive work of this "new beginning" and all must share in the bounty of a revived economy. With the idealism and fair play which are the core of our system and our strength, we can have a strong and prosperous America at peace with itself and the world.


So, as we begin, let us take inventory. We are a nation that has a government—not the other way around. And this makes us special among the nations of the Earth. Our Government has no power except that granted it by the people. It is time to check and reverse the growth of government which shows signs of having grown beyond the consent of the governed.


It is my intention to curb the size and influence of the Federal establishment and to demand recognition of the distinction between the powers granted to the Federal Government and those reserved to the States or to the people. All of us need to be reminded that the Federal Government did not create the States; the States created the Federal Government.


Now, so there will be no misunderstanding, it is not my intention to do away with government. It is, rather, to make it work—work with us, not over us; to stand by our side, not ride on our back. Government can and must provide opportunity, not smother it; foster productivity, not stifle it.


If we look to the answer as to why, for so many years, we achieved so much, prospered as no other people on Earth, it was because here, in this land, we unleashed the energy and individual genius of man to a greater extent than has ever been done before. Freedom and the dignity of the individual have been more available and assured here than in any other place on Earth. The price for this freedom at times has been high, but we have never been unwilling to pay that price.


It is no coincidence that our present troubles parallel and are proportionate to the intervention and intrusion in our lives that result from unnecessary and excessive growth of government. It is time for us to realize that we are too great a nation to limit ourselves to small dreams. We are not, as some would have us believe, doomed to an inevitable decline. I do not believe in a fate that will fall on us no matter what we do. I do believe in a fate that will fall on us if we do nothing. So, with all the creative energy at our command, let us begin an era of national renewal. Let us renew our determination, our courage, and our strength. And let us renew our faith and our hope.


We have every right to dream heroic dreams. Those who say that we are in a time when there are no heroes just don't know where to look. You can see heroes every day going in and out of factory gates. Others, a handful in number, produce enough food to feed all of us and then the world beyond. You meet heroes across a counter—and they are on both sides of that counter. There are entrepreneurs with faith in themselves and faith in an idea who create new jobs, new wealth and opportunity. They are individuals and families whose taxes support the Government and whose voluntary gifts support church, charity, culture, art, and education. Their patriotism is quiet but deep. Their values sustain our national life.…


We shall reflect the compassion that is so much a part of your makeup. How can we love our country and not love our countrymen, and loving them, reach out a hand when they fall, heal them when they are sick, and provide opportunities to make them self-sufficient so they will be equal in fact and not just in theory?…


In the days ahead I will propose removing the roadblocks that have slowed our economy and reduced productivity. Steps will be taken aimed at restoring the balance between the various levels of government. Progress may be slow—measured in inches and feet, not miles—but we will progress. Is it time to reawaken this industrial giant, to get government back within its means, and to lighten our punitive tax burden. And these will be our first priorities, and on these principles, there will be no compromise.


On the eve of our struggle for independence a man who might have been one of the greatest among the Founding Fathers, Dr. Joseph Warren, President of the Massachusetts Congress, said to his fellow Americans, "Our country is in danger, but not to be despaired of.... On you depend the fortunes of America. You are to decide the important questions upon which rests the happiness and the liberty of millions yet unborn. Act worthy of yourselves."


Well, I believe we, the Americans of today, are ready to act worthy of ourselves, ready to do what must be done to ensure happiness and liberty for ourselves, our children and our children's children.


And as we renew ourselves here in our own land, we will be seen as having greater strength throughout the world. We will again be the exemplar of freedom and a beacon of hope for those who do not now have freedom.


To those neighbors and allies who share our freedom, we will strengthen our historic ties and assure them of our support and firm commitment. We will match loyalty with loyalty. We will strive for mutually beneficial relations. We will not use our friendship to impose on their sovereignty, for our own sovereignty is not for sale.


As for the enemies of freedom, those who are potential adversaries, they will be reminded that peace is the highest aspiration of the American people. We will negotiate for it, sacrifice for it; we will not surrender for it—now or ever.


Our forbearance should never be misunderstood. Our reluctance for conflict should not be misjudged as a failure of will. When action is required to preserve our national security, we will act. We will maintain sufficient strength to prevail if need be, knowing that if we do so we have the best chance of never having to use that strength.…


I am told that tens of thousands of prayer meetings are being held on this day, and for that I am deeply grateful. We are a nation under God, and I believe God intended for us to be free. It would be fitting and good, I think, if on each Inauguration Day in future years it should be declared a day of prayer.…


Directly in front of me, the monument to a monumental man: George Washington, Father of our country. A man of humility who came to greatness reluctantly. He led America out of revolutionary victory into infant nationhood. Off to one side, the stately memorial to Thomas Jefferson. The Declaration of Independence flames with his eloquence.


And then beyond the Reflecting Pool the dignified columns of the Lincoln Memorial. Whoever would understand in his heart the meaning of America will find it in the life of Abraham Lincoln.


Beyond those monuments to heroism is the Potomac River, and on the far shore the sloping hills of Arlington National Cemetery with its row on row of simple white markers bearing crosses or Stars of David. They add up to only a tiny fraction of the price that has been paid for our freedom.


Each one of those markers is a monument to the kinds of hero I spoke of earlier. Their lives ended in places called Belleau Wood, The Argonne, Omaha Beach, Salerno and halfway around the world on Guadalcanal, Tarawa, Pork Chop Hill, the Chosin Reservoir, and in a hundred rice paddies and jungles of a place called Vietnam.


Under one such marker lies a young man—Martin Treptow—who left his job in a small town barber shop in 1917 to go to France with the famed Rainbow Division. There, on the western front, he was killed trying to carry a message between battalions under heavy artillery fire.


We are told that on his body was found a diary. On the flyleaf under the heading, "My Pledge," he had written these words: "America must win this war. Therefore, I will work, I will save, I will sacrifice, I will endure, I will fight cheerfully and do my utmost, as if the issue of the whole struggle depended on me alone."


The crisis we are facing today does not require of us the kind of sacrifice that Martin Treptow and so many thousands of others were called upon to make. It does require, however, our best effort, and our willingness to believe in ourselves and to believe in our capacity to perform great deeds; to believe that together, with God's help, we can and will resolve the problems which now confront us.


And, after all, why shouldn't we believe that? We are Americans. God bless you, and thank you.


Microsoft ® Encarta ® Reference Library 2004. © 1993-2003 Microsoft Corporation. All rights reserved.
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Aquarius水瓶座 荣誉版主

地板
发表于 2004-8-4 16:09:50 |只看该作者
Reagan Missile Plan
Reagan Missile Plan: Technology and Politics


Los Angeles Times

March 25, 1983


The Los Angeles Times published the following article about a new American defense system proposed by President Ronald Reagan's administration in 1983. Eventually known as “Star Wars,” the Strategic Defense Initiative included the development of highly sophisticated technology to protect the United States from enemy attack. Economic and political concerns, as well as the end of the Cold War, caused the abandonment of the program within a decade.


By Robert C. Toth and George Skelton


Washington—Reviving a concept that has been in limbo for a decade, President Reagan's call for futuristic missile defenses to replace current nuclear deterrence policy appears to be based on a combination of promising new technologies and pressing new political needs.


On-board minicomputers and sophisticated infrared sensors have vastly improved the potential for ground-based interceptor missiles, while directed-energy beams of lasers and subatomic particles hold out Buck Rogers-like possibilities for destroying warheads in space, according to defense officials.


And the concept may undercut the efforts of Reagan political foes in Congress to slash the defense budget, impose a nuclear freeze and kill the MX missile by shifting the focus of debate from the arms buildup to its new strategy of replacing the traditional “balance of terror” with a high-tech umbrella.


Officials working to win congressional acceptance of the MX said Thursday that they expect Reagan to reiterate his emphasis on missile defense in two weeks when he unveils the plan of the special MX commission for basing the controversial intercontinental ballistic missile.


“This will help sell the MX,” one industry source said, “because it's bound to defuse some of the opposition which saw MX as a destabilizing, 10-warhead mega-monster.”


To the White House, Reagan's purpose was much broader. “The President's hope is to redirect thinking away from the strategy of depending on strategic (offensive) missiles to (a strategy to) reduce or even eliminate them completely one day,” one aide said....


But the program until now has been relegated to the “sub-critical” category by government planners, and Reagan's purpose Wednesday night was to elevate it to “a critical level,” with corresponding time and budget priorities, another White House official said, asking that he not be named because of his role as a presidential adviser.


Beyond that, he said, Reagan wanted to generate “a conscious, public policy debate on the issue ... to invite consideration.”


That debate began immediately.


Offering the Democratic response to the speech, Sen. Daniel K. Inouye of Hawaii, a member of the Senate Intelligence and Appropriations committees, said “the President attempted to instill fear in the hearts of the American people, to raise the specter of a Soviet armed nuclear attack and to divert our attention from the dismal failure of his economic policies.”


Sen. Alan Cranston (D-Calif.) said that Reagan went on television “to try to scare the American people and Congress into spending more money than is necessary to defend our country and our allies.”


“Ronald Reagan's hope is, in reality, a nightmare of more and more spending that will make us more insecure militarily and weaker economically and increase the danger of a nuclear holocaust,” Cranston said.


Beyond such political arguments, the technology of anti-missile defense is itself complex:


Oldest of the current missile defense technologies is the traditional approach of shooting down one missile with another. It is the closest to being made into a weapon, with the U.S. Army's Ballistic Missile Defense program spending about $500 million this year on it.


Basically, it is a two-layer defense scheme, with one system to intercept enemy warheads at long range (above the atmosphere, which ends at 300,000 feet, or some 60 miles in altitude), and the other to kill warheads that escape the first defense line and descend to about 50,000 feet.


Ten years ago, a similar two-tiered system was built and briefly installed at the single anti-ballistic missile site allowed to the United States under the 1972 Soviet-American anti-ballistic missile treaty. But the technical consensus was that it would not work, and it was dismantled.


There was also a political consensus that both the Soviet Union and the United States were safer from a surprise attack if neither had an ABM system. Possession of such a system, however imperfectly it worked, would be more likely to tempt leaders to resort to war in a crisis, it was thought.


Using newer technology, one current scheme would rely on early-warning satellites in orbit to detect enemy missile launches and radio their trajectories to ground computer systems that would direct the high-altitude interceptors toward the warheads. Each interceptor would spread out as many as 24 small charges of conventional explosives to destroy incoming warheads with steel pellets or shrapnel.


Surviving warheads would be attacked by the Low-Altitude Defense System (LOADS) with a similar non-nuclear charge, according to one design described in a Los Alamos Scientific Laboratory study.


Reagan's new emphasis on missile defense is viewed primarily as a push for non-traditional defense technologies, however, including laser and particle beams that could be made into weapons. At present, some $250 million is budgeted for such directed-energy concepts (with another $250 million for so-called generic, or nonspecific research in the field).


Lasers are considered the more promising of the two. However, a laser beam must dwell, or stay, on a target a measurable length of time to burn a hole in it or melt its internal mechanisms. It requires enormous quantities of energy and fuel to operate. If based on the ground, its beam would be dissipated as it passed through the atmosphere.


Laser weapons would be initially most effective against satellites, which are usually fragile. Incoming warheads, which are sturdier and protected against re-entry heat, would be extremely difficult to destroy with lasers, at least as they have been developed to date.


Particle beams, which are akin to machine guns shooting billions of subatomic particles, would be far more destructive. The problem with them is that such “machine guns” are basically particle accelerators or “atom smashers,” which are huge installations demanding great amounts of energy.


Source: Los Angeles Times, March 25, 1983.


Microsoft ® Encarta ® Reference Library 2004. © 1993-2003 Microsoft Corporation. All rights reserved.
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5
发表于 2004-8-4 16:12:34 |只看该作者
Reagan on Strategic Defense Initiative
United States president Ronald Reagan’s surprise proposal on March 23, 1983, for a Strategic Defense Initiative (SDI), a space-based, ballistic missile defense system, was controversial from the start. SDI would allow weapons based on U.S. space satellites to intercept Soviet missiles before they hit their targets. Reagan’s critics countered that SDI could upset the delicate nuclear stalemate between the two superpowers by giving the United States the ability to launch a first strike. Herbert S. Parmet


Reagan on the Strategic Defense Initiative


My fellow Americans, thank you for sharing your time with me tonight. The subject I want to discuss with you, peace and national security, is both timely and important—timely because I have reached a decision which offers a new hope for our children in the 21st century—a decision I will tell you about in a few minutes.… This subject involves the most basic duty that any President and any people share—the duty to protect and strengthen the peace.


At the beginning of this year, I submitted to the Congress a defense budget which reflect my best judgment, and the best understanding of the experts and specialists who advise me, about what we and our allies must do to protect our people in the years ahead.…


…I want to explain to you what this defense debate is all about, and why I am convinced that the budget now before the Congress is necessary, responsible and deserving of your support. And I want to offer hope for the future.…


If the Soviet Union will join with us in our effort to achieve major arms reduction we will have succeeded in stabilizing the nuclear balance. Nevertheless, it will still be necessary to reply on the specter of retaliation—on mutual threat, and that is a sad commentary on the human condition.


Wouldn’t it be better to save lives rather than to avenge them? Are we not capable of demonstrating our peaceful intentions by applying all our abilities and our ingenuity to achieving a truly lasting stability? I think we are—indeed, we must!


After careful consultation with my advisers, including the Joint Chiefs of Staff, I believe there is a way. Let me share with you a vision of the future which offers hope. It is that we embark on a program to counter the awesome Soviet missile threat with measures that are defensive. Let us turn to the very strengths in technology that spawned our great industrial base and that have given us the quality of life we enjoy today.


What if free people could live secure in the knowledge that their security did not rest upon the threat of instant U.S. retaliation to deter a Soviet attack; that we could intercept and destroy strategic ballistic missiles before they reached our own soil or that of our allies?


I know this is a formidable technical task, one that may not be accomplished before the end of the century. Yet, current technology has attained a level of sophistication where it is reasonable for us to begin this effort. It will take years, probably decades, of effort on many fronts. There will be failures and setbacks just as there will be successes and breakthroughs. And as we proceed we must remain constant in preserving the nuclear deterrent and maintaining a solid capability for flexible response. But isn’t [it] worth every investment necessary to free the world from the threat of nuclear war? We know it is!


Source: The New York Times, March 24, 1983.


Microsoft ® Encarta ® Reference Library 2004. © 1993-2003 Microsoft Corporation. All rights reserved.
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Aquarius水瓶座 荣誉版主

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发表于 2004-8-4 16:14:15 |只看该作者
还有好多好多
比如他与病魔抗争,任期内的事件了什么的
就不都发上来了
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发表于 2004-8-4 18:04:56 |只看该作者
thx

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Cancer巨蟹座 荣誉版主

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发表于 2004-8-4 20:56:19 |只看该作者
很有传奇色彩,老米最近搞了一次二战后美国总统的投票,里根的票最多,被认为是最出色的总统。Clinton还被选为最会搞经济的总统,老布什声望最差,嘻嘻,我看小布什也不咋样

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发表于 2004-8-4 21:19:17 |只看该作者
呵呵,顶了,有时间细细看,如果真的有时间的话……
注定 漂泊 人间

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RE: 每日一星传奇里根精彩一生 [修改]

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