- 最后登录
- 2012-5-30
- 在线时间
- 6 小时
- 寄托币
- 4973
- 声望
- 17
- 注册时间
- 2001-5-24
- 阅读权限
- 255
- 帖子
- 75
- 精华
- 28
- 积分
- 3732
- UID
- 103396
   
- 声望
- 17
- 寄托币
- 4973
- 注册时间
- 2001-5-24
- 精华
- 28
- 帖子
- 75
|
略读内容集合, m/ B# n s% z5 c/ U
- c- h+ J) ]4 Z4 u! p6 L0 C
略读,并不是说不读,而是快速的读,读不懂得不用逗留,更不用反复琢磨猜测不认识的单词,但是一定要注意的就是,值得做标记的一定要给出标记,以方便定位!
" d& j& V# O$ o; A. i1. 作者摒弃的观点的论据和论证,这样的观点一般都是为后面作者支持的观点做铺垫,有个现象,作者一上来就给出正确解释多没意思哦,要一波三折,起起伏伏这样才有趣嘛,所以很多时候,ETS通常先给出一个或者若干个最后要被摒弃的解释,还用一堆话来论证,这部分因为不是文章的重点,所以通常也不是考点,故完全可以略读。
* l4 H% v) N3 `2 m2 f* a) A例:P6长L4——L11
- V$ R1 {# }% T0 e7 _9 N$ [9 ?Two main kinds of answers have been offered. One is couched in terms of advantage to population. It is argued that the sex ratio will evolve so as to maximize the number of meetings between individuals of the opposite sex.This is essentially a "group selection" argument. The other, and in my view correct, type of answer was first put forward by Fisher in 1930.' b& _5 Q1 ]0 D6 j' k4 w9 U
# E2 ]# b2 _. X! UP64长L27——32" Z( r( y- @: D
According to this theory, it is not the quality of the sensory nerve sations they produce, but rather the different areas of the brain into which they discharge, and there is some evidence for this view.4 u7 r# f4 t0 j4 T* w5 [; ~/ P
% D0 g/ p; l( ]6 b% k( H$ VP83短L14——完
2 |' r0 Z7 i: t, \! I" SAlthough some experiments show that, as an object becomes familiar, its internal representation becomes more holistic and the recognition process correspondingly more parallel, the weight of evidence seems to support the serial hypothesis, at least for objects that are not notably simple and familiar.
' g# H) j. v' T% {* e9 {! J8 r0 j6 L4 U3 B
2. 反之亦然的观点,这类观点其实是对上文累赘的重复,因为完全可以用vice versa来替代,所以完全可以不读,只要稍用大脑就可以知道它在讲什么。
2 E3 o; T& N! M$ A6 _1 F例:P6长L17——L21
* O4 a, P, w. r" g$ A" ESuppose that the population consisted mostly of females: then an individual who produced sons only would have more grandchildren. In contrast, if the population consisted mostly of males, it would pay to have daughters.: D- l+ ?6 S/ q' L# N" d# K* u
# s$ T7 P2 S- p" s7 v7 W9 h
3. 已知大意的详细叙述可以略读
* j& l) I. J4 }( A4 d) ?$ k
) d" j+ e6 U& q, p/ J8 G: u/ ^* | 反复读一下首句和各段首句,看看自己能不能明白作者要写的内容,文章大意,各段大意呢?如果能的话,各段的具体内容,可以略读,但是一些必要做出标记的的还是要给标记。+ M# x' J) M- ?- i4 ]7 c
例:P33长全文% u5 t3 c! [: n, q6 T" o1 c4 k
"I want to criticize the social system, and to* v. C. @2 l6 e, \+ x
show it at work, at its most intense." Virginia2 M2 ~7 {' E7 J' d+ F2 \
Woolf's provocative statement about her inten-
* B9 U/ [2 n4 j2 J' x Ctions in writing Mrs. Dalloway has regularly
" |6 d) _* d. [9 d% A l6 x(5) been ignored by the critics, since it highlights an# v% u* @2 u2 V: A' d3 R2 P5 }
aspect of her literary interests very different from) w6 | B3 J4 S2 T! v
the traditional picture of the "poetic" novelist* Y5 G8 N0 q( w( O+ K
concerned with examining states of reverie and
: ~- `* Z/ ~" U% Q7 J `0 y# r4 Fvision and with following the intricate pathways' a* f3 R4 Z8 }* i4 s1 d
(10) of individual consciousness. But Virginia Woolf
7 \) f& y w4 t. Mwas a realistic as well as a poetic novelist, a
( u7 |% b1 `1 a/ r6 f+ ~" V$ d& ]satirist and social critic as well as a visionary:6 L0 E# i* }: t, c
literary critics' cavalier dismissal of Woolf's$ C) b7 X' A7 @3 b, p
social vision will not withstand scrutiny.8 s0 M3 r9 G/ c. e
(15) In her novels, Woolf is deeply engaged by the: F" d4 R) u! A7 H1 B
questions of how individuals are shaped (or de-" m- g* q4 x- b& j5 K# x7 A# y
formed) by their social environments, how
2 f, ^; w6 C2 e! H9 }: i- Fhistorical forces impinge on people's lives, how$ [+ T$ {; _ [$ ^8 f
class, wealth, and gender help to determine
4 v% U/ k0 T; Q(20) people's fates. Most of her novels are rooted in a5 }% n4 V7 f" u6 Z6 w$ D" a5 k
realistically rendered social setting and in a' O: a+ |& B0 b! W9 V2 K
precise historical time.
w4 Z O. G0 ]Woolf's focus on society has not been gener-- g5 H; p* s0 J* E" T
ally recognized because of her intense antipathy, j3 t. i3 e& b# T" E4 k
(25) to propaganda in art. The pictures of reformers3 i" q7 {; F/ Z/ _( Y% e, B. [# c. e
in her novels are usually satiric or sharply2 E/ Q. G, h6 Y$ W. `+ a' g5 R7 p
critical. Even when Woolf is fundamentally5 n9 a0 n+ s4 i' @% m# |2 G# |
sympathetic to their causes, she portrays people
; n, t/ I% T. |# Y% R! R' I2 Xanxious to reform their society and possessed of; T! c' _; u7 Z( G8 ?0 c, z3 y* ^
(30) a message or program as arrogant or dishonest,5 o' S9 V' l: m2 J- t
unaware of how their political ideas serve their
6 g+ o5 f# T2 d( q! z8 d% uown psychological needs. (Her Writer's Diary8 m0 _+ \4 o+ f4 f. ~ A
notes: "the only honest people are the artists,"0 Z, m5 A; w a9 B
whereas "these social reformers and philan-: D$ J- s4 w$ T3 z) c A7 N X
(35) thropists...harbor... discreditable desires
& `( c6 `9 I5 i! J- g+ P! L3 u! qunder the disguise of loving their kind....")3 A$ h$ a, X# T+ K
Woolf detested what she called "preaching"8 b6 {+ d+ a1 x" M# N N3 {! {$ _9 }
in fiction, too, and criticized novelist
?# n+ P& C" L: h4 j) FD.H. Lawrence (among others) for working by5 O7 ^; Q/ l7 ^# W# N. h6 c r
(40) this method.: E4 L q5 u6 c0 P- u( o
Woolf's own social criticism is expressed in$ U" S) s- s% t* T+ o
the language of observation rather than in direct
. c, O: [+ m) a3 a3 v# C& ?commentary, since for her, fiction is a contem- a) b( k0 i8 \, H( G& p! e' n
plative, not an active art. She describes phenom-
& [0 L# q5 O+ h7 H _(45) ena and provides materials for a judgment about& e$ Q$ E0 y( {3 D' a4 z4 P! j9 [
society and social issues; it is the reader's work
) q) h. Q3 q9 u, K6 n# G) A) Tto put the observations together and understand! M6 H5 R8 o& {" |( h+ f
the coherent point of view behind them. As a
6 R$ k6 m2 u: wmoralist, Woolf works by indirection, subtly
' O& ^7 x$ m q0 t% O2 m- I, \+ j9 t(50) undermining officially accepted mores, mocking,
& S) z3 W# Z; osuggesting, calling into question, rather than
# @$ q5 S4 y; X: Y2 zasserting, advocating, bearing witness: hers is4 Y2 m; R( L( s" Q8 A
the satirist's art.& w4 s9 W; E( L8 R- W
Woolf's literary models were acute social ob-1 B0 Y8 e0 h( X/ d6 y. j5 H7 A
(55) servers like Checkhov and Chaucer. As she put it
+ A. q5 ^1 I/ Rin The Common Reader. "It is safe to say that. T, g' R5 E' b* o( Y4 e0 @
not a single law has been framed or one stone set+ `: R& v- z- W* g( G1 a7 v
upon another because of anything Chaucer said
1 t6 M) Z) d! |: |/ o$ S4 ~+ eor wrote; and yet, as we read him, we are absorb-
( s8 a! F. x' j8 u(60) ing morality at every pore." Like Chaucer,0 [+ @) P, L6 L+ M% k- s2 M! O3 u
Woolf chose to understand as well as to judge,/ d3 b8 @# o: L! d
to know her society root and branch-a decision
1 M- g- ], v8 Ecurcial in order to produce art rather than
5 j' B7 P5 w6 ppolemic." [: B; n5 ~2 |$ F6 A. l
6 x; d7 M1 B2 V9 T& P; O' d/ q9 ?P47长全文
. v4 P2 ~5 P1 @+ z9 h7 d! l: qIn his 1976 study of slavery in the United
0 w0 s. w6 O1 ^' ?. u5 R0 x' DStates, Herbert Gutman, like Fogel, Engerman,
( o5 @. O- w1 p" s$ c: Q+ cand Genovese, has rightly stressed the slaves'
- e& J9 M, S' c4 K3 `( P; oachievements. But unlike these historians, Gut-
4 L* D1 R# n1 Q& n3 F) f(5) man gives plantation owners little credit for+ I! ?9 y4 o0 i! \/ c9 z( b
these achievements. Rather, Gutman argues that; l$ F& R7 Q) C% H5 O
one must look to the Black family and the
2 u2 y7 l2 F" ? H! }slaves' extended kinship system to understand# r& D9 j) ]8 I8 \, {# e4 H9 n
how crucial achievements, such as the mainte-9 b2 X! ^& M, \- J: ~1 B# S
(10) nance of a cultural heritage and the develop-
' P1 T7 n8 z( d. r3 |# Vment of a communal consciousness, were
* N1 d% |2 R+ ^1 e& N" Ypossible. His findings compel attention.' I: }5 E2 e! L: ?+ M# A8 A
Gutman recreates the family and extended
V D9 w" J" h; ]kinship structure mainly through an ingenious! V7 ~, _% o7 j' Q$ p$ ^. v7 P
(15) use of what any historian should draw upon,
9 @" c- t2 c% T [$ L6 lquantifiable data, derived in this case mostly
9 Z/ L, k) e8 z( M- }from plantation birth registers. He also uses
, N1 D% i6 D* v3 I) n7 zaccounts of ex-slaves to probe the human reality
! d' P& G" M9 J3 ?" Ebehind his statistics. These sources indicate that+ a8 b- A/ Q7 I5 A4 o/ q
(20) the two-parent household predominated in slave* S; ~4 s9 z G/ Z3 W- u( A
quarters just as it did among freed slaves after
+ Z* {: ~0 c% A3 G9 ]* \emancipation. Although Gutman admits that+ P8 A, ?+ F6 n; D4 D4 `. r; [
forced separation by sale was frequent, he shows
! P6 a: X, J. M8 T. b" o. Nthat the slaves' preference, revealed most clearly8 ?% C. g6 ~9 ~3 ]' \( d2 t
(25) on plantations where sale was infrequent, was
# P2 s- k3 [- T3 L5 N/ H* l4 Overy much for stable monogamy. In less con-( |3 L3 a" Q' X# t/ d) |
clusive fashion Fogel, Engerman, and Genovese J' R; w8 `+ N! j2 ]
had already indicated the predominance of two-
. U o. A9 O, Gparent households; however, only Gutman" I/ Q/ ` d# C8 x0 t# g( S. |
(30) emphasizes the preference for stable monogamy
* z: Q4 z& H5 i1 Rand points out what stable monogamy meant for
; L0 u8 m, }, e* b( z! q. d$ |the slaves' cultural heritage. Gutman argues4 O$ t4 q2 j& W0 b% ]% B, b
convincingly that the stability of the Black' W4 k! }2 w6 ]! g$ L
family encouraged the transmission of-and so! |) T+ o% h S: H% A) H, k4 I
(35) was crucial in sustaining-the Black heritage of
8 p- u" K$ b+ S3 p' ifolklore, music, and religious expression from' Q. m7 \$ Z3 i; J: _/ M
one generation to another, a heritage that slaves1 l$ b% J+ e4 ?/ J" s* W# j0 ~
were continually fashioning out of their African) e& g j6 B6 o& E# E
and American experiences.
: C6 O2 Q4 G4 g9 j7 ^ K(40) Gutman's examination of other facets of6 Z" C0 {6 z* Y [. w
kinship also produces important findings.
- s& r1 ~0 M/ x6 O/ Z8 CGutman discovers that cousins rarely married,6 L! k8 d# f6 ~/ e- E
an exogamous tendency that contrasted sharply
7 \! t' v& D: g- s5 zwith the endogamy practiced by the plantation1 s+ g' q, q! }+ w& ^( k
(45) owners. This preference for exogamy, Gutman
0 q3 r' L3 D! m* ^* }+ Rsuggests, may have derived from West African
( ~1 j6 O" f4 S" o- arules governing marriage, which, though they
2 t B9 H9 @/ ^# Jdiffered from one tribal group to another, all: B. C3 ~# y6 l+ W5 t' H
involved some kind of prohibition against
( X3 G/ p/ [- D! f7 I* W4 N(50) unions with close kin. This taboo against
. [* Y8 B1 H, S2 kcousins' marrying is important, argues Gutman,
( N( V& a; t: `+ C: {because it is one of many indications of a strong0 b" D7 V6 m$ ^- h' c0 H
awareness among slaves of an extended kinship
# X; r4 n) H* q" Vnetwork. The fact that distantly related kin
. Y( o/ z: b# v, ?3 d(55) would care for children separated from their- f7 s+ ^( f- l+ I+ S
families also suggests this awareness. When
( _( F* a3 ]' X7 P2 l2 `blood relationships were few, as in newly created
: S9 i m. ?+ @3 c* hplantations in the Southwest, "fictive" kinship
% W- \3 g$ m- W" f1 h, Z, marrangements took their place until a new
8 U4 J7 S" F: G6 E(60) pattern of consanguinity developed. Gutman% k+ a3 ~: @. U6 O# y
presents convincing evidence that this extended" K4 ], l) @( H. A$ g
kinship structure-which he believes developed: j/ ]! P) k& x
by the mid-to-late eighteenth century-provided, v# X2 l$ N, F' d
the foundations for the strong communal con-8 Q& X r `( p
(65) sciousness that existed among slaves.
% g9 U. B8 C; R O6 @* l! IIn sum, Gutman's study is significant because
; @" Y, \4 f! |5 o7 D; }it offers a closely reasoned and original explan-
5 D& A- _3 d4 F* P# g0 a T$ Jation of some of the slaves' achievements, one
. e8 d2 T' |% t! J! z! Xthat correctly emphasizes the resources that
# V1 e* P0 _+ y& j# C0 z' W% `6 i rslaves themselves possessed.
/ g3 Z/ b* y1 \& F
y) T9 P1 ?5 b% u% ` CP83短L6-14
0 z. }# w" q" y" [! P. l! I8 gControversy surrounds the question of whether recognition is a parallel, one-step process or a serial, step-by-step one. Psychologists of the Gestalt school maintain that objects are recognized as wholes in a parallel procedure: the internal representation is matched with the retinal image in a single operation. Other psychologists have proposed that internal representation features are matched serially with an object's features.
" e+ H* J6 r5 c( W7 y# R
4 L% [8 W3 Y- ?6 h3 K2 iP83长二、三段
8 ?) b+ g! J! r" w/ wStarting from the premise that mythology and legend
2 i4 y. t" h* L' J" u- a+ fpreserve at least a nucleus of historical fact, Bachofen! a' r& W; @/ ?1 @( q1 w
argued that women were dominant in many ancient soci-
q# t0 G$ Q- }0 Q4 J+ T3 ^& I7 eeties. His work was based on a comprehensive survey of
8 C1 f* m) u+ I( D t3 I3 d/ n( Q C& sreferences in the ancient sources to Amazonian and
" j. m+ |( N+ q, f/ X6 c% x! _other societies with matrilineal customs—societies in
# p" D9 g) j6 s; f4 s. h' |which descent and property rights are traced through the7 G4 L3 Z N4 Z% |+ Y+ u
female line. Some support for his theory can be found in
, r, y; K; |% \: @( ?$ G/ Z" cevidence such as that drawn from Herofotus, the Greek
5 {9 {0 C) E* [& ]! u- Q x+ _"historian" of the fifth century B. C. who speaks of an3 R) z' s3 u; R4 Z
Amazonian society, the Sauromatae, where the women; u; J4 g) s3 @: T. B* u/ [( U' z
hunted and fought in wars. A woman in this society was
- O7 J0 `3 [$ Bnot allowed to marry until she had killed a person in
0 A. i) S) m4 L/ sbattle.
9 m- r1 ~9 b( w+ r/ kNonetheless, this assumption that the first recorders of
1 i( E( h: w3 x1 iancient myths have preserved facts is problematic. If one- d9 p% I& Y( A6 y" B2 o# G# h- g
begins by examining why ancients refer to Amazons, it5 k# w! |" p/ \( j3 d/ R8 t1 J+ I
becomes clear that ancient Greek descriptions of such2 @; [% N( p& M* e+ X* Z
societies were meant not so much to represent observed
. r- q) [& F `4 ehistorical fact—real Amazonian societies—but rather to. S& [: |7 w2 ~+ b5 G" X
offer "moral lessons" on the supposed outcome of
6 E5 I4 [3 G7 r h. P9 rwomen's rule in their own society. The Amazons were x& X3 }/ ~' @8 @( b5 b
often characterized, for example, as the equivalents of
" t* K6 y" P% n2 a+ o Jgiants and centaurs, enemies to be slain by Greek heroes.+ q$ M) N8 p% U
Their customs were presented not as those of a respect-
+ x( j6 Z9 d" V! {able society, but as the very antitheses of ordinary Greek
. C% U: Y7 L- F8 b; Ipractices.- |3 |' l* ]& P6 L
: t$ Q A R: P) CP86长全文* U2 q" H3 O2 O
We can distinguish three different realms of matter,
c7 f8 s/ [3 n: ithree levels on the quantum ladder. The first is the. [: {- p7 ^) @5 a1 G, ?
atomic realm, which includes the world of atoms, their
* Q5 j* o- H1 H9 g U( L, h" ]interactions, and the structures that are formed by them,. ?* i" e' s. f, F8 |
(5)such as molecules, liquids and solids, and gases and plas-5 i+ h; J! u- k% @8 F+ ~3 d) b
mas. This realm includes all the phenomena of atomic/ E7 v8 ?* T+ {! @4 o) k
physics, chemistry, and, in a certain sense, biology. The
! H% |1 g8 s4 h0 S) _+ Denergy exchanges taking place in this realm are of a rela-
+ p, q E1 {& G9 y- j/ T8 ~tively low order. If these exchanges are below one elec-
" ~' P, @) ~, J- X2 ^& L(10) tron volt, such as in the collisions between molecules of& i3 {2 f/ D; k' w& G
the air in a room, then atoms and molecules can be5 V5 \0 Y9 v3 I7 K O7 b
regarded as elementary particles. That is, they have
+ ?' q, t0 ~" D f" g. e"conditional elementarity" because they keep their iden-5 T+ h* [3 D) a3 c, P) G
tity and do not change in any collisions or in other pro-0 K9 n( Z; t, J7 f+ U) P! g2 p
(15) cesses at these low energy exchanges. If one goes to
0 w7 l+ D: T$ n# Jhigher energy exchanges, say 10,000 electron volts, then
2 \+ u; p" A: {% matoms and molecules will decompose into nuclei and
4 j2 I# V+ e' f5 l. s& D. _ b; yelectrons; at this level, the latter particles must be consid-
3 q; [$ u/ D7 a! b; m- mered as elementary. We find examples of structures and
$ |1 k% i* b7 t(20) processes of this first rung of the quantum ladder on8 q4 U" f6 Q) ^! r; Q
Earth, on planets, and on the surfaces of stars.
8 b% [: }* M* a! @The next rung is the nuclear realm. Here the energy
4 a L2 N$ A% O5 v5 Z9 W& u" `exchanges are much higher, on the order of millions of
! f! Z" V/ O7 lelectron volts. As long as we are dealing with phenom-
9 R/ Y$ y# _& @4 W% K% g(25)ena in the atomic realm, such amounts of energy are
' b7 W3 R; q- F& \9 f, Funavailable, and most nuclei are inert: they do not
/ a, P2 ~ B! M; y. H. xchange. However, if one applies energies of millions of
+ I/ W2 q, H7 ~- d, O% Qelectron volts, nuclear reactions, fission and fusion, and' i% a* ^5 r( |8 M8 o+ d! {$ s
the processes of radioactivity occur; our elementary par-+ g" h. r% P1 [! H0 N" Q p8 ?
(30)ticles then are protons, neutrons, and electrons. In addi-) e$ [. D, \9 w2 t9 `7 }2 V& ]/ [
tion, nuclear processes produce neutrinos, particles that" G4 v- X6 ^, T- o
have no detectable mass or charge. In the universe, ener-
) i7 P$ E6 O D% e) `gies at this level are available in the centers of stars and2 N, m1 [# S U6 G0 K! H8 o" R& Z
in star explosions. Indeed, the energy radiated by the
* ~& B" L6 Y. E! J9 F8 i(35)stars is produced by nuclear reactions. The natural% E2 d' V. a0 }8 i& `( o" {
radioactivity we find on Earth is the long-lived remnant
/ g2 _7 Z( R7 A7 q7 g: E: ?of the time when now-earthly matter was expelled into" A8 d1 \, \8 l: z7 E. O6 j% A
space by a major stellar explosion.2 S$ V# Y' m7 c. z. E# ^$ c# t
The third rung of the quantum ladder is the subnu-
6 K' l7 Q% E" w, x/ U(40)clear realm. Here we are dealing with energy exchangers
z$ W, D* [$ Tof many billions of electron volts. We encounter excited4 V; |4 Z, h2 U; K& Y
nucleons, new types of particles such as mesons, heavy# H. R, X' F) }- |. E
electrons, quarks, and gluons, and also antimatter in
) k/ K3 d: l0 Tlarge quantities. The gluons are the quanta, or smallest
0 @7 x$ [% v6 c% M(45) units, of the force (the strong force) that keeps the
$ c8 i' i3 H5 B# r+ jquarks together. As long as we are dealing with the9 P$ v/ k9 z* g7 ?3 [# r! \
atomic or nuclear realm, these new types of particles do
' t+ R, O# T5 K$ {$ g& snot occur and thenucleons remain inert. But at subnu-
5 F- x" w5 h5 v8 s/ bclear energy levels, the nucleons and mesons appear to- k7 @* O3 J: k$ x
(50) be composed of quarks, so that the quarks and gluons1 c3 E( j7 W: K, |% n% S
figure as elementary particles.
2 m- H: x- V. _" d* S( K. [( ^$ u
/ O# \2 _% E# t! _" }- k' t/ T/ J, x' ]& r- A. c% r% L6 X, l
P64短L4-12) l# H$ R7 V' [
A Marxist sociologist has argued that racism stems l3 O+ s2 P1 Z
from the class struggle that is unique to the capitalist0 w% w; J! a$ W) ^
system—that racial prejudice is generated by capitalists5 X" `+ J7 v6 ~. S# i- F
as a means of controlling workers. His thesis works rel-) Y, T4 c/ ?3 K2 s6 J
(5)atively well when applied to discrimination against
+ o* L# p- V6 I5 }3 [Blacks in the United States, but his definition of racial
3 ~! ] {0 k F2 I& Gprejudice as "racially-based negative prejudgments
1 X: |1 H' V2 a$ G) Gagainst a group generally accepted as a race in any& N+ b# J c v5 O) F4 ^
given region of ethnic competition," can be interpreted
5 h! `/ O. o6 `. P(10) as also including hostility toward such ethnic groups as
- q, r( c+ p" D- O& r, y+ n) L+ X- `the Chinese in California and the Jews in medieval" Q) \( K- v- Q# w9 U* W
Europe. However, since prejudice against these latter
9 H" n- s/ a& S9 @ u* Z0 j4 _peoples was not inspired by capitalists, he has to reason
9 t" H! i8 u" x1 y E/ Wthat such antagonisms were not really based on race.+ f2 W6 E0 S( h& o
(15) He disposes thusly (albeit unconvincingly) of both the
# R5 v6 c$ P2 |3 B$ a; l# t: }intolerance faced by Jews before the rise of capitalism
9 b; ^9 Q, w# hand the early twentieth-century discrimination against4 G$ T' Y% N5 ~; G6 h2 Q
Oriental people in California, which, inconveniently,
/ k: D: }8 U6 t9 Twas instigated by workers.
4 I( V! {$ Y8 K* X( [. _
, L6 k2 ]9 I' ^5 C0 O6 xP67长L9-18+ I* g( } y" l+ L$ m" u
Differences between highly creative art and highly creative science arise in part from a difference in their goals. For the sciences, a new theory is the goal and end result of the creative act. Innovative science produces new propositions in terms of which diverse phenomena can be related to one another in more coherent ways. Such phenomena as a brilliant diamond or a nesting bird are relegated to the role of data, serving as the means for formulating or testing a new theory.
6 f) M0 s7 k. h9 g9 m
. H/ |% a5 C9 m
, T" b4 A; u- D- u/ i( r! b4. 目的已知的例子可以略读
& U7 N. ~, t, b' R' ]8 f, Q 因为即便考题考例子,也很少考例子的具体内容,而是考他的作用,举这个例子in order to?这样会来找目的即可
1 c# B& e# `; C2 N, ?' S4 ?! n4 C例:P83长L8-13
, i9 d4 U6 Y$ i0 sThus it is not particularly surprising that some earlier scholarship concerning such cultures has so far gone unchallenged. An example is Johann Bachofen's 1861 treatise on Amazons, women-ruled societies of questionable existence contemporary with ancient Greece.
+ o% h- ^4 S& J; @" w* j% n( b1 g1 A+ V: c& U+ U6 }
5. 冒号后面的可以略读,因为冒号以后无非是在重复前文,无非是更详细的叙述,冒好以前读明白,后面完全可以略读& i9 H( e9 r! G7 W
例:P67长LL18-30 b* o* J: C& b$ R, T# L; y
The goal of highly creative art is very different: the phenomenon itself becomes the direct product of the creative act. Shakespeare's Hamlet is not a tract about the behavior of indecisive princes or the uses of political power; nor is Picasso's painting Guernica primarily a propositional statement about the Spanish Civil War or the evils of fascism. What highly creative artistic activity produces is not a new generalization that transcends established limits, but rather an aesthetic particular. Aesthetic particulars produced by the highly creative artist extend or exploit, in an innovative way, the limits of an existing form, rather than transcend that form. |
|