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发表于 2009-5-31 20:34:40
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本帖最后由 窟窟 于 2009-5-31 20:38 编辑
The secret journal of Zhao Ziyang
Chinese whispers
May 21st 2009
From The Economist print edition
THE plaintive final public appearance of Zhao Ziyang on Tiananmen Square on May 19th 1989 was the curtain call(很好的暗喻) marking the end of a power struggle that had been raging for weeks around the squalid encampment(肮脏的营地里,贴切,视频里确实如此) of student protesters in central Beijing. Zhao was then still general secretary of the Chinese Communist Party, but he had lost the battle with his hardline rivals. He died under house arrest four years ago, largely forgotten by the many inside and outside China who were mesmerised(这词啊!牛) by the country’s economic boom and wanted to forget the bloody culmination of the Tiananmen unrest.
Now Zhao’s insights into this struggle (secretly recorded on cassette tapes and smuggled out to friends) have been translated into English and compiled into a book. Until the appearance of this posthumous(死后发生的) work, not a single voice of dissent had ever emerged from the party’s inner circle, even from someone like Zhao who had been booted out(解雇) from it. (这句话不懂)Since the crushing of the protests, notwithstanding China’s rapid integration with the global economy, the interaction of its leaders has been veiled in even greater secrecy than it was 20 years ago.(good irony, make a dramatic comparison between the undeveloped political system with the rapid economic growth)
But even Zhao pulls his punches. He complains bitterly about his conservative rivals, some of whom are still alive but no longer politically active (as far as anyone knows). Yet he avoids dishing dirt on them personally.(Good word “Yet” 将他针对事不针对人的行为表达透彻)His invective is couched in the rhetoric of a loyal party man who feels uncomfortable about breaking the code of silence. Zhao says it was Deng Xiaoping who gave the order for the army to crush the Tiananmen Square protests. But he does not accuse him of wanting or even expecting the bloodshed that ensued on June 3rd and 4th 1989.(Deng xiaoping is definitely a great man , but his behavior that pay more attention to the economic growth while neglect the significance of reforming political system was the bane of this bloodshed)
The personalities of the protagonists (主角)and the outline of their struggles in 1989 have long been widely known, or at least guessed at, by China-watchers. The then prime minister Li Peng (now 80 years old and retired) is portrayed by Zhao as a particularly unpleasant and petty rival. Many days before Zhao was officially deposed, Mr Li, the reader is told, broke protocol by rushing out in front of Zhao when emerging from a van to meet students. (太funny了!!)The prime minister reportedly instructed that official cameramen avoid recording images of Zhao, just in case of future leadership changes.(A good sense of humour, maybe a little fake)
However, even if the book contains few startling revelations, it is fascinating for the way it conveys the flow of power in China at that time. (点名书中精华之处,让八卦的人调整八卦重心)Zhao may have been the party’s leading official, but it was Deng who ruled China from semi-retirement in his Beijing courtyard home.(垂帘听政) Leaders vie for Deng’s attention, struggling to glean the wishes (这动词太形象了!)of the 84-year-old (transmitted sometimes by a daughter or his secretary). At one point Deng’s deafness makes it difficult for Zhao to be sure that he has got his message across. (马的,这作者也真搞笑)Zhao also has to defer to other veteran revolutionaries, some of them deeply conservative. Visiting their courtyards to mollify them becomes a vital routine.
As Zhao describes it, Deng was more of an enabler than a man concerned with detail. Zhao himself is presented as the real architect of China’s economic reforms in the 1980s, with Deng helping to keep the conservatives at bay.(形象!) Zhao, however, was always cautious, both in pushing for economic change and even more so in the political realm.(递进的好!) He muses on the virtues of multiparty democracy, but the book also makes it clear that when in office he entertained no such thoughts.(没人知道多党制在中国的效果如何,但我们仍有发展民主的空间,比如放宽进入民主党的门槛) He wanted the party to be more open and accountable, but he had some misgiving about the “liberal and carefree” views of Hu Yaobang, Zhao’s liberal predecessor who was ousted as party chief. (又一个需要公正对待的人物)
Deng ignored Zhao and ordered the army to clean out the Tiananmen Square protesters without a leadership vote. He also put his party chief under house arrest with no regard for the party’s own rules. Yet, for years afterwards, Zhao still worried that Deng regarded him as disloyal. “I am truly unwilling to see him leave this world with this misconception,” Zhao records. Deng died in 1997, not having deigned to meet his faithful sidekick again.
你们不像我们,我们已经老了,无所谓了。 ——zhao
(the final public appearance at Tiananmen Square)
I think,the most desirable bravery is not to overcome the difficulty, but to face the history. |
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