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发表于 2010-7-18 13:11:15 |只看该作者
11-1[7.21]
The controversies in climate science
Science behind closed doors
Two new reports say the science of climate change is fine, but that some scientists and the institutions they work in need to change their attitudes

Jul 8th 2010

THE winter of 2009 was a rough time for climate science. In November, in the run-up to the Copenhagen climate conference, over 1,000 private e-mails from and to researchers at the Climatic Research Unit (CRU), a part of the University of East Anglia (UEA) in Britain, appeared on the internet, presumably after being stolen. At the same time a controversy was bubbling up in India over a claim in the 2007 assessment report by the Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change (IPCC) that the Himalayas could lose all their glaciers in 25 years, which was wrong. These events seemed to provide evidence of embarrassing incompetence, at the very least.

Explanations were demanded and committees were formed to deliver them. This week two of those committees reported. For the CRU and what became known as “climategate”, an independent panel was created by UEA and chaired by Muir Russell, a former vice-chancellor of the University of Glasgow. The Dutch environmental-assessment agency was asked to look for other errors in the regional analyses of the IPCC’s report. Both the reports conclude that the science of climate is sound and that the professional characters of the scientists involved are unimpeached. But they raise important issues about how to do science in such an argumentative area and under new levels of scrutiny, especially from a largely hostile and sometimes expert blogosphere.

The Dutch agency found a few errors in the relevant chapters of the IPCC’s report, though none amounted to much. It also raised questions about concentrating on bad or worst-case possibilities rather than a range of outcomes. The agency did not say this was a bad thing—policymakers need to have the most critical information flagged up—but it thinks it would be better to explain more clearly what is going on.

Martin Parry, who in 2007 was co-chair of the relevant IPCC working group, says there was not a conscious decision to highlight negative effects, but to highlight important ones, as measured by such things as scale and irreversibility. The important effects are negative ones: this is why people are worried about climate change. A tendency for the IPCC process to produce outputs more worrying, at the margins, than its inputs does not necessarily show bias. It may reflect accurate expert assessment. But the risk that it is a sort of self-reinforcing groupthink merits attention.


Open to criticism

A form of groupthink certainly seems to have been at work in the climategate e-mails. The Russell committee was most exercised by a lack of openness at the CRU, in part explained, but not excused, by a sort of a siege mentality. The committee found that the scientists committed nothing close to fraud. It showed that the data needed to reconstruct CRU’s temperature records were widely available. Informed by a warts-and-all account of peer review from Richard Horton, editor of The Lancet, a medical journal, the committee took the researchers’ harsh behaviour towards critics and leniency towards allies not as unduly partial or aggressive, but as part of the “rough and tumble of interaction in an area of science that has become heavily contested.” As an eminent historian of science put it to a naive scientist when the story first broke, “Everything you believe to be true once looked like this.”

But the committee did criticise the researchers for an unwillingness to pass on data to their critics, for failing to specify which weather stations they were using, for keeping quiet IPCC discussions that should have been public, and so on. This flowed through into “clear incitement” to delete files rather than have them surrendered under Britain’s freedom-of-information act. The committee found UEA’s procedures on freedom of information poor.

Rather remarkably, neither the Russell committee or the university has asked Phil Jones, who ran the CRU, whether he actually deleted e-mails with the intention of foiling subsequent requests under the act. The university says it takes very seriously the need to improve its openness. At the same time it has appointed Dr Jones to a new position as director of research at the CRU—“definitely not a demotion”—while abolishing the role of director and integrating the unit more fully into its school of environmental sciences.

In doing this UEA accepts that Dr Jones’s role in one of the most famous aspects of climategate—his “hide the decline” e-mail—was “misleading”, as the Russell report puts it, without deliberately intending to be so. The growth of some trees, as recorded in their rings, tracks temperature from the 19th century to the 1960s, but then ceases to do so: the two records diverge. In a graph prepared for the World Meteorological Organisation in 1999, Dr Jones cut off the divergent part of one set of tree-ring data and spliced on data from thermometers. The scientific literature contained full discussions about the problems of divergence and various ways of dealing with them, but Dr Jones’s chart had no readily accessible explanations or caveats.

The Russell report is thorough, but it will not satisfy all the critics. Nor does it, in some ways, fulfil its remit. One of the enduring mysteries of climategate is who chose the e-mails released onto the internet and why they did so. These e-mails represented just 0.3% of the material on the university’s backup server, from which they were taken. This larger content has still not really been explored.

And then there is the science. An earlier report on climategate from the House of Commons assumed that a subsequent probe by a panel under Lord Oxburgh, a former academic and chairman of Shell, would deal with the science. The Oxburgh report, though, sought to show only that the science was not fraudulent or systematically flawed, not that it was actually reliable. And nor did Sir Muir, with this third report, think judging the science was his job. So, for verdicts as to whether the way that tree-rings from the Yamal peninsula in Siberia were treated by the CRU produced good results, those following the affair will have to look for future developments in journals and elsewhere. The mode of production has been found acceptable, but the product is for others to judge. Science, in the normal run of things, should do that; and if it does so in a more open, blogosphere-inclusive way some good will have come of the affair.

Science and Technology
=============================================================================================================================
11-2[7.21]

Climate science
A mammoth effect
Hunting large herbivores may have (slightly) contributed to global warming

Jul 8th 2010

CHRISTOPHER FIELD is probably best known as the co-chair of the Intergovermental Panel on Climate Change’s working group on impacts, adaptation and vulnerability. In his day-job, however, he still engages in some serious boffinry. Take the paper soon to be published in Geophysical Research Letters which he wrote with two colleagues from the Carnegie Institution for Science in Stanford. They argue that mankind’s prehistoric penchant for mammoth may have had a discernible effect on climate.

Implausible though this may sound, the theoretical mechanism behind such an effect is pretty well understood. There is plenty of evidence to suggest that early humans were at least in part responsible for driving the woolly megafauna to extinction (the other culprit being natural climate change). Because excavated guts of frozen specimens show them to have grazed on, among other things, small trees such as birch, a reduction in mammoths is likely to have led to a proliferation of deciduous trees. The resulting landscape, being darker, would have absorbed more sunlight, heating up the air above the Earth’s surface.

Still, postulating the effect is one thing; teasing it out from the cobweb of climatic feedback loops and estimating its magnitude is something else altogether. Dr Field’s team set about the task by analysing ancient records of birch pollen preserved in lake sediments from known mammoth breeding grounds like Siberia. They found a spike coinciding with a drop in mammoth numbers some 15,000 years ago. To see how much less land birch would have covered, they used elephants as a proxy. The rate at which present-day pachyderms munch plants and uproot trees was adjusted for the presumed differences in the two species’ behaviour and the variation in vegetation between the mammoths’ tundra and the elephants’ African savannah.

From all this the researchers conclude that the extra area invaded by birch would have been 23% smaller, on average, had mammoths continued grazing. Plugged into a climate model this translates into a 0.13°C temperature rise in Siberian climes over the course of several centuries following the extinction (though some places would have warmed by as much as 1°C).

This may not sound catastrophic; the average global temperature is believed to have risen by 0.74°C in the 20th century alone. But if the model holds up, and if our ancestors really did have a hand in eradicating the hirsute herbivores, then mankind’s climate-meddling may have predated the advent of slash-and-burn agriculture 8,000 years ago, the earliest previous estimate, by as much as seven millennia. If only undoing global warming were as simple as breeding elephants.

Science and Technology
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发表于 2010-7-18 13:15:48 |只看该作者
12-1[7.22]
Biotechnology
Chemistry goes green
Behind the scenes, industrial biotechnology is getting going at last

Jul 1st 2010 | WASHINGTON, DC


IS GREEN chemistry ready for take-off? Delegates at a big conference on “industrial biotechnology” held near Washington, DC, this week by Bio, the industry’s umbrella organisation, seemed to think so. Industrial biotech uses agricultural feedstocks, rather than petroleum-based ones, to produce chemicals, plastics and fuels. McKinsey, a consultancy, says global industry revenues will grow from ?116 billion ($170 billion) in 2008 to as much as ?450 billion by 2020. The World Economic Forum reckons the coming boom in “biorefineries” will create new markets worth almost $300 billion by 2020.

Industrial biotech seems to have been relatively unscathed by the financial crisis. Codexis, an American start-up backed by Royal Dutch Shell, an Anglo-Dutch oil giant, pulled off a stockmarket flotation in April. Amyris, another American start-up, secured an investment of around $130m from Total, a French oil firm, this week and is likely to go public soon too.

In part, this is because big companies are embracing the technology. Frito-Lay, a maker of snacks controlled by PepsiCo, is adopting compostable crisp packets. Wal-Mart, the world’s biggest retailer, is expanding its use of bioplastics. Procter & Gamble, a consumer-products giant, recently agreed to use some biochemicals made by Amyris in its products. Craig Binetti of DuPont, a chemicals colossus, says his firm’s industrial-biotech sales soared from $50m in 2007 to $200m last year—and will grow to $1 billion by 2015.

Another reason industrial biotech is taking off, after several false starts, is that the technologies involved are now mature enough to be scaled up from laboratory curiosities to full commercialisation. “We’re not just dealing with vats any more,” insists Volkert Claassen of Royal DSM, a Dutch maker of food enzymes. This week the firm announced a joint venture with Roquette Frères, a French chemicals firm, to build a factory to produce a bio-based version of succinic acid, which is used in paints, textiles and coatings.

Similarly, Metabolix, an American firm, has set up a $300m facility in Iowa with Archer Daniels Midland, an agribusiness giant. DuPont has teamed up with Tate & Lyle, a British sugar firm, to build the first commercial factory to make propanediol (a chemical used in cosmetics, among other things) from corn instead of petroleum. And on June 28th Elevance, an American firm, announced a joint venture with Wilmar International, an Asian agribusiness giant, to build the world’s largest chemicals biorefinery in Indonesia by 2011.

Developing countries are emerging as major markets and sources of innovation for industrial biotech. Braskem, a Brazilian chemicals firm, has commercialised polyethylene—a commonly used plastic resin—made from sugarcane. It is now working with Novozymes, a pioneering Danish biotech firm, to repeat the trick for polypropylene, another common plastic. And Brazil’s ethanol industry, already the world’s biggest, wants to move from first-generation ethanol (made from sugarcane) to the next-generation cellulosic variety.

That Brazilian edge worries the American biofuels industry, and highlights the final factor now boosting industrial biotech: government support. At this week’s conference, for example, America’s Department of Energy announced $24m in funding for algae-based biofuels (on top of an existing $146m). But bureaucrats can bet on the wrong technologies. Brent Erickson of Bio observes that although governments are keenly promoting biofuels, most private investment in industrial biotech is going into other, less prominent areas.

And governments are too easily pushed into protectionism. An egregious example is America’s tariff ($0.54 per gallon) on imported ethanol, to protect domestic producers of corn-based ethanol. Marcos Jank, head of Brazil’s sugarcane association, took to the conference stage in a yellow, green and blue shirt. Asked if this was to show support for his country’s football team, he turned around to reveal the back of his shirt. It bore the number 54 and the message “cutthetariff.com”.

Business
==============================================================================================================================
12-2[7.22]

The Difference Engine: The wisdom of crowds

Jul 15th 2010, 13:56 by N.V. | LOS ANGELES

EVER noticed how opinionated the world has become? It’s not just all those product reviews on websites like Amazon, Expedia or eBay. From Facebook to Twitter, personal opinions litter the blogosphere—sometimes in narratives apropos of nothing in particular; other times embedded in comments on the news; and frequently, sad to say, as flagrant plugs by shills masquerading as innocent bystanders.

Once we sought advice from friends and family about what, where and when to buy something. We read newspapers and magazines to form opinions about current events, movies to watch, new books worth reading, who or what to vote for, and why. We went to libraries to check out how to solve problems that concerned us. In business, we relied on surveys, focus groups and consultants.

That’s all begun to change. Thanks to the internet, we are now inundated with advice from millions upon millions of opinionated folk we’ve never met—and frankly haven’t a clue how to assess. The fashionable term for trying to glean useful insights from it all is crowd sourcing. But read any selection of blogs (there are over 112m of them in the English language alone) and you quickly learn that meaningful information is in short supply.

Ironically, that may not matter much. As a fledgling investment banker, your correspondent learned many years ago that, as far as markets were concerned, emotions trump facts any day. It isn't events that move markets, but reactions to them, so long as they are shared by a big enough bunch of traders. “What’s the sentiment on the street?” is the cry heard on trading floors around the world. Sure, in their Mr Spock mode traders scour the horizon for hard-nosed data, read their analysts’ reports and digest breaking news. But then Captain Kirk kicks in and they interpret these through a prism of personal experience, with its predilections, prejudices, doubts, and fears.

That is equally true of politics and public opinion. At Oxford University, Sandra González-Bailón and colleagues at Barcelona Media Innovation Centre have been using the emotional content of online discussions to predict how American presidents fare at election time. The technique provides an alternative to approval ratings, which gauge support based on a wide range of issues over the short-term, or opinion surveys, which collect responses to a narrow, pre-selected set of issues over the long-term. The attraction of the emotion-based approach is that it hones in on issues that people actually find important and want to discuss, rather than on topics predetermined by pollsters. It also offers clues to the psychological mechanisms that lie behind shifts in public mood—as happened most noticeably in America after the terrorist attacks of September 11th, 2001.

But it is in the economic sphere that emotionally charged opinions matter most. They make the world go round by informing our purchasing decisions about houses, motor cars, mobile phones and many other bits of merchandise. So, we need to take opinions—whether level-headed or misguided—very seriously indeed. Above all, we need to find better ways of tapping the wisdom of the jabbering online masses while dispensing with the drivel.

Your correspondent isn't the first to ponder how to exploit the wonders of word-of-mouth. Social scientists have been asking themselves similar questions for years. More recently, academics in natural-language processing have embraced the topic. Now, entrepreneurs are getting in on the act. Over the past few years, 60-odd companies have set up shop to develop tools for clients needing a better grip on what, deep down, their customers or constituents really think.

Most of the work to date has used semantic search engines to parse text retrieved from the web for meaning, disambiguating words with similar spellings by taking their context into account. So far, however, such natural-language processing has favoured narrow fields like medicine or law where the terminology is limited. The computational burden would be too much if used with conventional search engines like Google or Bing, which continuously index the entire web rather than merely a slice of it.

A better understanding of what’s actually being said on the web has come from an approach called “deep content analysis”. This goes way beyond the realm of simple semantic search, allowing computers to understand the complete and unambiguous meaning of sentences. Still, it doesn't help distinguish the relatively clear, objective statements of fact from the invariably subjective and shifting opinions that give voice to a person’s inner feelings, sentiments and attitudes to various things.

It is precisely the difficulty of extracting this emotionally charged content from the detached, hard-boiled sort that makes sentiment analysis such a tough nut to crack. Often, the relevant sentences or clauses are buried in long forum posts, blogs, or open-ended replies in stacks of questionnaires. Just finding them can take armies of analysts equipped with marker pens and printouts weeks on end. And then one has to decide whether the sentiment concerned is positive, neutral or negative, assigning some numerical ranking to it (say, +5 , 0 or -2), so the overall results can be digitised and processed as raw data.

The problem doesn’t end there. In mathematical terms, an opinion is what Bing Liu, a computer scientist at the University of Illinois in Chicago, calls a “quintuple” or five-variable expression. The variables include the object being evaluated, its various features, the strength of the sentiment (in numerical terms), the person who expressed it, and when. The analysts’ job is to mine the text for all five pieces of information in order to identify distinct quintuples. Next, any pseudo-sentiments (spam) must be filtered out. Only then can the data be processed—and an averaged-out quintuple generated.

All of which sounds like a lot of hard work. No surprise, then, that so many start-ups have rushed to fill the need. Providing smart software that takes the grunt work out of mining text for opinions has helped Clarabridge of Reston, Virginia, grow at over 50% annually for the past few years. The company’s automated sentiment tools are used by AOL, Marriott, Nissan, Wal-Mart, Wendy's, United Airlines and a dozen other Fortune 1,000 firms.

Clarabridge’s software lets firms process all the customer feedback that normally goes to waste (typically 80%) because it’s trapped in some unstructured form. Equally important, such software allows sentiment analysis, which would take weeks to do manually, to be carried out in real-time—and on an 11-point scale instead of the basic three-value sort (positive, neutral or negative). This gives firms a deeper understanding of their customers’ needs, and helps them respond more rapidly to changes in demand.

Lately, your correspondent has seen a sentiment engine based on ideas derived from decoding the human genome that spits out real-time opinions about the stockmarket’s behaviour almost as quickly as the index can react. He wouldn't be at all surprised if in a year or two such an opinion-harvester were bundled with a program-trading system to create a money-spinning killer app. If only he had got his hands on one before bidding farewell to the trading floor to become an impoverished inky-fingered wretch instead. An opinionated one, mind you.
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发表于 2010-7-18 13:27:31 |只看该作者
本帖最后由 zhangxiaohang1 于 2010-7-18 13:32 编辑

13-1[7.23]
America in the Middle East
Choose the right pals, for a change
Turkey and Iran should be America’s partners

Jul 15th 2010

Reset: Iran, Turkey and America’s Future. By Stephen Kinzer. Times Books; 288 pages; $26.00. Henry Holt; £17.99. Buy from Amazon.com, Amazon.co.uk

THE United States must befriend Turkey and Iran while loosening its ties with Israel and Saudi Arabia. That is the central message of a new book by Stephen Kinzer, a former Middle East correspondent of the New York Times. Written before the flotilla of activists who recently tried to break Israel’s blockade of Gaza thrust Turkey into the heart of the argument between Israel and Palestine, this book is particularly timely. As an old ally of America within NATO and a rare Muslim friend of Israel, Turkey has recently become a lot more hostile to the Jewish state and a lot less keen to act in unison in the region with the Americans.

The implication of Mr Kinzer’s study is that Turkey could serve as a diplomatic hub for bringing America, Israel and the Palestinians together. The other half of his thesis is that Iran, too, should and could become a true friend to America, despite the bitter mutual hostility that has prevailed on an official level since the Islamist revolution deposed the America-backed shah in 1979.

Mr Kinzer, who wrote an earlier book, “All the Shah’s Men”, about the CIA-backed coup that in 1953 toppled Iran’s democratically elected leader, Muhammad Mossadegh, backs his proposition with a jaunty potted history of both Turkey and Iran over the past century. He compares the efforts of the two countries’ great modernisers, Mustafa Kemal (later self-proclaimed as Ataturk, or “Father of the Turks”), who ruled from 1923 until his death in 1938, and Reza Pahlavi. Another ruthless military man, Pahlavi assumed the same position in Iran in 1925 (with a crown on his head in lieu of a general’s cap) and held it until he was ousted in 1941.

Each was fiercely opposed by his respective clerical establishment, though Ataturk did a better job of suppressing his than Pahlavi did. The Islamic regime of Ayatollah Ruhollah Khomeini that swept away the first Pahlavi shah’s son still rules the Persian roost despite last year’s efforts to remove it or at least to temper its Islamist radicalism. In Turkey, Ataturk’s rigid secularism has, only in the past decade or so, given way to a much milder form of Islamism than the Iranian variant.

Mr Kinzer’s tale of modern Iran opens with a touching mini-memoir of two Americans: a young Presbyterian teacher called Howard Baskerville, who was shot dead in 1909 while trying to break the siege of Tabriz as a defender of a new Iranian constitution, and Morgan Shuster. The latter was appointed “treasurer of the Persian empire” by a reform-minded Iranian government only to be forced out in 1911 by the British. They feared he would inculcate ideas of true independence as well as accountability into a nascent class of patriotic Persian leaders. Mr Kinzer describes how the British, then sharply opposed to American ideas of self-determination, were bent on denying the Persians sovereignty to ensure that they, by means of the oil company that is the forebear of today’s BP, would be guaranteed an abundant supply of cheap oil.

Only after the second world war, when President Harry Truman had been succeeded by President Dwight Eisenhower, did America agree to co-operate with Britain and topple Mossadegh, the would-be architect of a modern, secular but truly independent Iran. Before that was achieved, the list of British sanctions against Mossadegh and his regime after he nationalised the country’s oil in 1951 is eerily echoed by today’s recently tightened Western sanctions against Iran on account of its desire to create a nuclear (and suspected bomb-making) capability. Mr Kinzer describes how Iran, even under the ayatollahs, has long sought an accommodation with the Americans. Both, after all, loathe and are loathed by al-Qaeda. As recently as the immediate aftermath of the September 11th attacks, Iran’s Islamist rulers offered a deal (that was rejected) to enshrine regional co-operation. As Mr Kinzer explains:

“Iranians want the freedom that their Turkish neighbours enjoy. History suggests they will have it, although few would dare to guess when or at what cost. Turkey and Iran are the only Muslim countries in the Middle East where democracy is deeply rooted. That makes their future bright. It also makes them America’s logical partners.”

If only it were that simple. Mr Kinzer’s analysis can be a little pat. After three decades of Iran’s leaders calling America “the Great Satan”, it may not be that easy for the two countries to kiss and make up. But the main message is intriguing.

Books and Arts
==================================================================
13-2[7.23]


Writing from Africa
From garbage dump to Middle Earth
Violence and restraint mark a new literary voice from Sierra Leone

Jul 8th 2010


OLUFEMI TERRY is the first Sierra Leonean to win the Caine prize for African writing since the award began in 2000. The shortlist, with writers from Kenya, Zambia and South Africa, was judged to be unusually strong, packed with narrative drive and imagination.

A collected edition of the five shortlisted stories, “A Life in Full and Other Stories”, is published by New Internationalist (£8.99 or $16.95). One author takes a guard dog and a security fence, the two common defences that prosperous African citydwellers use to keep fear at bay, and turns them into a story at once terrifying and funny. Another writer re-imagines the 18th-century lives of the first mixed-race couple to be hanged for adultery in South Africa. A Kenyan, Lily Mabura, chooses the delicate frontier between an Africa that is religious and secular, tropical and parched, to rework the killing of a turbulent priest.

Chosen out of 115 submissions, Mr Terry’s short story, “Stickfighting Days”, was unanimously voted the winner by a panel of judges that was chaired this year by The Economist’s literary editor. Set on a garbage dump, that could easily have been in Nairobi, Lagos or Kinshasa, the story is marked as much by what is left out as by what is included. The boy-heroes, initiates aged eight and dead if not dying by the time they are 13, sniff glue and scavenge for stale greasy food.

Outside the dump, the snot-faced, scuffed boys in rags are regarded with fear by pedestrians who clutch their purses closer as they pass the urchins by. Yet Mr Terry presents the boys not as victims so much as heroes, Homeric obsessives with ambition, drive and dreams. The skinny young gladiators’ game is stickfighting; their weapons willowy canes or knob-ended shafts named Mormegil or Orcrist—a nod to J.R.R. Tolkien’s Middle Earth that gives the story a universal literary lineage.

As a reader, you also long to pass the dump by. But such is the power of Mr Terry’s writing that you let him take you along for the ride, knowing that the stickfighting days will end only in death.

Books and Arts
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发表于 2010-7-18 13:28:36 |只看该作者
14-1[7.24]这篇SCIENCE上的,比较长。。。24就一篇吧!
http://sciencecareers.sciencemag.org/career_magazine/previous_issues/articles/2010_06_04/caredit.a1000057

Issues & Perspectives
Taken for Granted: Making a Federal Case of Young Scientists' Concerns

By Beryl Lieff Benderly

June 04, 2010

"I have colleagues who say, 'Why don't I quit science and work at Home Depot? I hear they're a pretty good employer.' And the sad thing is, they're only half joking." -- Ludmila Tyler

The right to petition the national government for redress of grievances is one of Americans' most basic and, potentially, most effective freedoms. Activists for two issues of interest to young scientists -- lab safety and postdoc unionization -- have recently exercised that right, bringing their causes to powerful national officials. Given that federal law and regulations shape much of what happens in the labs that do government-funded research, such steps could, at least in theory, make a difference.

But progress is far from assured, because making a difference is hard. Changes in federal rules usually emerge, when they do, from fierce struggles among competing interest groups that rage behind the high-flown verbiage of public occasions. To have a chance to succeed, those who care about issues must put them forward strategically, energetically, and persistently.

In that spirit, Naveen Sangji, sister of Sheri Sangji, the technician who last year died of injuries from lab fire at the University of California (UC), Los Angeles, made the issue of lab safety part of the official observances in April that marked Workers Memorial Day in Washington, D.C. Annual commemorations of job-related deaths have taken place for years, across the nation and abroad. This year, those commemorations coincided with the 40th anniversary of the passage of the Occupational Safety and Health Act (OSHA) and, for the first time, yielded a Presidential Proclamation. OSHA, President Barack Obama stated in the proclamation, "promise American workers the right to a safe workplace and require employers to provide safe conditions."

Then, on 30 April in Berkeley, California, UC postdoc Ludmila Tyler and other witnesses testified at a hearing of the U.S. House of Representatives Committee on Education and Labor about the stalled negotiations for a first contract between UC and its postdoc union. Union members' complaints to their congressional representatives spurred the hearing. Whatever one's view of postdoc unionization, the event was significant because the testimony brought the broader realities of young scientists' work lives to the attention of important federal lawmakers.
Taking issues to a new level


(Kelly Krause, AAAS)

These events indicate a new level of activism on these issues. But by the standards of big-league influence mongering, they barely register. The interests of academic science are represented by various well-funded and experienced lobbying operations supported by research universities, medical schools, professional and scientific societies, and others. Early-career scientists, however, generally play no role in formulating the policies of these organizations, and their interests often differ from those of established scientists.

As if to illustrate that point, Representative George Miller (D–CA), who chaired the 30 April hearing and represents the congressional district just north of Berkeley, commented that "as chairman of the [House] Education [and Labor] Committee and chair of the Democratic Policy Committee, I meet all of the time with leaders from the research-university community." The interests of the young scientists at these universities, on the other hand, are so poorly represented at those meetings that he and the two other Education and Labor Committee members present, fellow Democrats Barbara Lee and Lynn Woolsey, who also represent Bay Area districts, seemed unfamiliar with very basic features of postdocs' situation.

Tyler's brave and poignant description of the low pay, insecurity, chancy benefits, difficulty securing maternity leave, and general discouragement that many postdocs endure was effective. "I have colleagues who say, 'Why don't I quit science and work at Home Depot? I hear they're a pretty good employer,' " she told the congressional representatives. "And the sad thing is, they're only half joking." The members of Congress seemed surprised and, according to Miller, "deeply concerned" and "disappointed" by this and other testimony -- which indicates how effectively the viewpoints of the research universities and today's established scientists have dominated the discussion and how little attention tomorrow's scientists' concerns have received.

The lawmakers, two of them UC alumni, all expressed chagrin. Miller in particular seemed flummoxed by Tyler's presentation. He mentioned briefly that what she revealed appeared to contradict the widely assumed scientist shortage. "It's almost as if we're toying with some of the brightest, most talented, and skilled people in our society," he mused in dismay. "This raises serious questions about the underlying ... policies. ... If we are going to subsidize the acceleration of America's excellence and talents on the back of these very talented individuals, something is very upside down in the university community, very upside down. ... The policy question around the use and abuse of these grants is a larger issue for the Congress." Yet, UC is far from the worst university employer. Before the UC postdocs voted to unionize, the UC system engaged in a difficult and ultimately successful effort to provide decent, uniform benefits to all UC postdocs.
Highlighting safety


(Courtesy, Office of Rep. George Miller)

Rep. George Miller

Naveen Sangji also spoke frankly during a Washington meeting between relatives of deceased workers and U.S. Secretary of Labor Hilda Solis. In a prepared statement, she told Solis of the "atrocious working conditions in the UCLA laboratories [that] assured that [Sheri] would not fulfill her dreams" and explained how "UCLA broke ... safety rules that could have protected her life."

"Laboratories continue to remain unsafe," she went on. "Why? Because there are no real consequences for employers for endangering workers. The penalty for Sheri's death" -- $32,000 -- is "hardly an effective deterrent," she said.

The meeting with Solis was one of several official events Naveen participated in during her stay in the nation's capital. Others included a hearing at the Rayburn House Office Building by the Education and Labor Committee's Workforce Protections Subcommittee about the proposed Protecting America's Workers Act (H.R. 2067) (PAWA). During the session, Naveen and others displayed pictures of their lost loved ones.

If enacted, PAWA would bring public employees, including state university workers like Sheri, under the protection of the federal Occupational Safety and Health Administration, which currently excludes them. (It would not, however, cover students doing experiments in those same labs.) The law would also increase the penalties for violating safety regulations, broaden the rights of victims' families to get information, and better defend whistleblowers against retribution. (Miller also raised this last point, the vulnerability of workers who speak out about abuses, in a letter he sent on 11 May to UC President Mark Yudof. After urging Yudof to bring the postdoc union negotiations to a speedy resolution, Miller praised Tyler's statements and pointedly reminded Yudof of the "prohibitions against any form of retaliation as a result of testimony before Congress.")

Naveen, finally, attended the dedication of the National Workers Memorial at the National Labor College in the Washington suburb of Silver Spring, Maryland. Sheri's name and death date are carved on one of the commemorative bricks included in the monument.
Hard realities

For all the pomp and dismay of a somber and enlightening week, "if" and "would" remain the operative words in the efforts at influence. A very large distance separates a committee hearing from a law on the books, and a deep chasm divides a sympathetic hearing by a Cabinet secretary from effective protection of workers. Several events soon after the Berkeley hearing made clear the vagaries of the political process. On 12 May Chairman Miller pushed through the House an amendment to the then-pending reauthorization of the America COMPETES Act, which contains funding for a number of federal research agencies. The amendment aimed to speed up negotiations between universities and researchers' unions.

The very next day, however, a House vote cast doubt over the prospects for passage of COMPETES reauthorization, and the following week, the bill was defeated over Republicans concerns about spending and partisan election-year maneuvering involving the irrelevant issue of pornography. Supporters vowed to continue the fight for passage, the science lobbies geared up for the effort, and the bill, including the amendment, finally passed the House on 28 May. That does not mean that the amendment becomes law, however, as America COMPETES still has not passed the Senate.

Even more fundamental than the passage of a particular bill is the question of what, exactly, the "deeply concerned" Miller and his colleagues understand to be the policy problems involved in universities' treatment of postdocs. The lawmakers' statements at the Berkeley hearing make clear that they could use a good deal more education about the realities of life in the nation's university labs. Was Miller troubled by specific transgressions of particular employers or by the deep and pervasive dysfunctional nature of the "pyramid" system of academic research, which depends on the systematic exploitation of cheap graduate student and postdoc labor? Solving the first problem would be straightforward, but solving the second would require a fundamental reform of the system and dislocations in practices that are dear to powerful interest groups.

Effective advocacy at the federal level takes relentless, unremitting lobbying, which is not cheap. Impecunious early-career scientists and lab workers can't match the lobbying power of more established groups and will need to do a great deal more before they stand a chance of effectively advancing their interests in the high-stakes Washington fray. But the April events suggest that maybe -- just maybe -- we are witnessing the first glimmerings of coming change.

Photo (top): chadh
Beryl Lieff Benderly writes from Washington, D.C.

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发表于 2010-7-18 13:38:02 |只看该作者
15-1【7.25】我觉得这个蛮好的。就是ISSUE的形式还是长。。。
http://sciencecareers.sciencemag ... 09/caredit.a1000069
Issues & Perspectives
Taken for Granted: The Immigration Guru

By Beryl Lieff Benderly

July 09, 2010

"It boils down to cheap, compliant labor." -- Norman Matloff

In connection with President Barack Obama's push for reform of immigration laws, two recent articles deserve attention. The first describes Operation Reboot, a $2.5 million, federally funded program to train middle-aged, out-of-work computer professionals for jobs as high school computer teachers. The second recounts the hiring of Yuying Lu, a recent alumna of California State University, Long Beach, for a computer job with a California company on an H-1B visa, the temporary work permit ostensibly intended to relieve shortages of technical personnel. A Chinese national who arrived in the United States in 2007, Lu earned a master's degree in a subject called educational technology.

"So, in essence one branch of the federal government is funding unemployed ITers to 'retrain' for something well beneath their qualifications, while another federal agency is approving work permits for foreign students [for jobs] that unemployed Americans could easily do," writes the man to whom I owe my knowledge of this piquant contrast, computer science professor Norman Matloff of the University of California, Davis. He continues, "Of course, the fact that the Georgia Tech [Georgia Institute of Technology] program is funded by the NSF [National Science Foundation], which has been a promoter of H-1B, makes it all the more ironic."

Based on his analysis of the Long Beach curriculum, Matloff judges the "computer content" of Lu's degree to be "quite shallow. ... It ought to be obvious that the 'former' IT professionals in the Georgia Tech program, or their counterparts in the southern California area, could easily be doing that job that Lu was hired for." Matloff's criticism, let me hasten to note, is of national policies and not of Lu, who has only taken advantage of opportunities legally available to her. "The H-1B does not require employers to give hiring priority to Americans," Matloff continues. Although "the spirit of the program is to fill shortages, ... I don't think there is a shortage here."


(Courtesy of Norman Matloff)

Norm Matloff

Nor, adds Matloff in a recent interview with Science Careers, does any discernible shortage of scientists exist on American university campuses, where some of the scientists working as postdocs were admitted to the United States on H-1Bs. Although they, therefore, do no affect all foreign postdocs, the provisions of the H-1B nonetheless permit abuses. As in industry, the employer holds the visas, and the workers are not free to seek other positions. Although many differences distinguish IT employees from postdoc researchers, Matloff sees an overriding similarity. "It's exactly the same issue," he says. "It boils down to cheap, compliant labor."
Sharp eye, straight talk

This combination of straight talk and expert knowledge is probably familiar to readers who see the e-mail newsletter on immigration and employment that Matloff sends out at irregular intervals, from which I quoted above. His newsletter essays often present detailed analyses of the statistical claims or methodological bases of statements, often published in (purportedly) scientific reports and articles. Also familiar to those readers will be his views on the H-1B, about which he has made himself something of a national expert, a determined gadfly, and an interview subject for media outlets including CNN, NPR, PBS, and others. His interest grew out of the experiences of his computer students. (To receive the newsletter, e-mail a request to matloff@cs.ucdavis.edu.)

Critics of immigration policies often find themselves accused of hostility to immigrants, a charge that fits Matloff poorly. The self-described offspring of "one-and-a-half immigrants" -- his American-born mother grew up in an immigrant community -- he is married to a U.S. citizen who is originally from China. A largely self-taught speaker of Mandarin and Cantonese, Matloff is something of a polymath. With a Ph.D. in mathematics and as a former professor of statistics at the university where he now holds a full professorship in computer science, he is one of very few technology experts to have contributed a long, invited scholarly article to a law journal published by a leading law school. His "On the Need for Reform of the H-1B Nonimmigrant Work Visa in Computer-Related Occupations", published in the University of Michigan Journal of Law Reform, is considered required reading by skeptics of the tech industry's claims of worker shortages. His fans are drawn heavily from scientifically and technically trained people dissatisfied with existing job opportunities, especially IT professionals unable to find work in their desired field.

What bothers Matloff is not immigration or national origin, but waste, unfairness, and mendacity -- all major elements, he believes, of today's technical and scientific labor markets. He denies the significance of shortages or educational standards or any of the other supposed problems cited by "extremely slick" H-1B proponents, and points out ways that visas save employers money. "Type I," he says, "is where an H-1B of the same qualifications as an American gets paid less than an American. ... That's not illegal [because] there are so many loopholes [in the law]. Type II is hiring the younger H-1B instead of the older American. That's really the same thing [because in general], younger people are cheaper in salary; they're cheaper in benefits. That's really what it boils down to."

In academe, the cost-saving method is even more straightforward. Postdocs receive what universities term training wages rather than faculty-worthy salaries, and large numbers admitted on H-1Bs (and other visas) make possible the depressed pay scale.

In his law review article, Matloff documents some of the effects of these techniques, including what he calls the "striking" attrition rate among computer science graduates, many fewer of whom, he writes, are working in their degree field 15 or 20 years after graduation than are people in other technical specialties. At a point when they are only in their early 40s, less than one-fifth of computer science graduates are still working in the field -- in contrast, for example, to almost 60% of civil engineering graduates still working as civil engineers. Such a situation, Matloff writes, quoting a National Research Council report, "is consistent with actions taken by employers motivated by the reduction of labor costs. For example, an employer that terminated more experienced (hence older), higher-salaried workers and hired less experienced (hence younger), lower paid workers would not necessarily be violating the statutes prohibiting age discrimination. ... It was a waste of education and experience."
Solutions?

For these and other reasons, many of them discussed previously in this space, the H-1B needs to be reformed. Matloff's law-journal article proposes several changes, including requiring employers wanting to hire H-1Bs to attest that they have not "laid off Americans in the same ... job category within the past 6 months ... and will not lay off Americans in the same ... job category within the next 6 months." Furthermore, "the wage paid ... must be at least equal to the median national wage for the given job category, according to the government ... data." The wage, in other words, must not be lower than what a person of similar skills and qualification would receive on the open job market.

All potential H-1B hiring, furthermore, would have to be done through "a public, Web-based process" with a clear and declared preference required for Americans who have the minimum qualifications to become "reasonably productive in the use of that skill within a month, via on-the-job learning." Americans could not be rejected as "overqualified."

Short of Congress enacting his suggestions in full, he favors passage of the Durbin-Grassley Bill, though with the proviso that only "certain parts are good," such as the expansion of rules against layoffs by employers who hire H-1Bs. The best part of Durbin-Grassley, Matloff says, would "clean up the definition of prevailing wage," eliminating loopholes that permit "the legal prevailing wage [to be] well short of the market rate."

"Many supporters of reform ... have the wrong idea that the employers that are underpaying the H-1Bs must be breaking the law," he continues. This view plays "right into the hands of industry, because industry loves to hear these news stories that say, 'People must be breaking the law. You need better enforcement.' But they're not breaking the law" because of the many abuses permitted by loopholes.
The universal bottom line

The desire for cheap, compliant labor is hardly limited to American tech companies or universities, Matloff notes. Last month, a trip to China that included family visits and meetings with professional colleagues provided a number of chances to discuss employment issues. Thanks to Chinese government policies in recent years, Matloff says, "Suddenly, there are a lot of college graduates. This used to be your ticket to the elite. Now they're not getting jobs. There's a surplus of people." A relative who is an engineer with a "very nice job" and a "gorgeous condo" in a provincial city, Matloff says, commented on the current "terrible" job market for new college graduates. "My wife said that of course it must be good for engineers," Matloff reports, "and he was just puzzled that we would just say that."

Lunch with a faculty member at a prestigious Chinese university produced another surprise. "I was saying to our host [that] I think the Chinese system is better because [in China graduate] students are paid by the university; they're not paid from grants" as in the United States. "Paying from grants is kind of a corrupting influence. And he said, no, he really prefers the American way. ... He's not paying his students," so he can't determine how long they stay. When the university declares their research finished, he complained, the students leave. "You see," Matloff concludes, "it goes back to compliant labor." If, as President Obama hopes, the nation does undertake a serious overhaul of immigration law, the H-1B is high on the list of problems that need attention.
Beryl Lieff Benderly writes from Washington, D.C.

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发表于 2010-7-18 21:23:49 |只看该作者
本帖最后由 谦行天下 于 2010-7-19 15:50 编辑

8-1【学习】
Forget it!
Jul 16th 2010, 10:52
by The Economist online
A study involving children's car seats suggests that consumers might be better at filtering out bad information than previously thought

IF YOU were told that a particularly delicious-looking ice-cream cone contained dangerous chemicals, then told soon after that it was safe to eat after all, would you still choose it for dessert? So far, studies by behavioural economists have suggested that people have a hard time unlearning反学习 what they have previously been told, even after being ordered to do so. In mock trials, for example, jurors陪审员 are frequently unable to disregard evidence they are later told is inadmissible不许可的. But Uri Simonsohn, a professor of marketing at the Wharton School of Business at the University of Pennsylvania, has a forthcoming即将来临的 paper in the Journal of Marketing suggesting that some consumers, at least, are indeed capable of letting go of wrong information.
Mr Simonsohn started by having to dismiss wrong information himself. In early 2007, shortly after he and his wife had bought a car seat for their first child, Consumer Reports magazine published a ranking of car seats according to safety. Unfortunately, the magazine had messed up混乱 its usually thorough testing procedure, with cars being crashed at much higher speeds than advertised. (At a 35-mph side-impact crash, the structure of the car seat can make a difference; at 70 mph, the infant’s safety depends much more on the structure of the car.) Two weeks later, Consumer Reports issued a retraction撤回: several car seat brands (including the Simonsohns') were safer than the original rankings suggested.
Mr Simonsohn tracked online auctions of car seats after both the initial rankings and the retractions, to see how prices were affected. The car seats falsely charged with poor performance saw their prices drop, then rebound quickly. By contrast, one seat, which failed both Consumer Reports's original and revised tests, continued to sell more cheaply after the retraction was issued. The car-seat buyers were apparently able to disregard the flawed rankings and pay attention to the correct information. "I was shocked," he says. "Because if there's one product where I would expect people to be overly emotional, it would be child safety."
There are some caveats警告. It helps, Mr Simonsohn admits, that both the original rankings and the retraction were widely publicised宣扬: child-safety issues attract headlines. That the retraction was made swiftly很快的 may also have focussed consumers’ attention: a time lapse流逝 of months or more might have affected sales more profoundly. Furthermore, parents who buy car seats online may pay more attention to safety rankings than do their peers at a store.
But the results have led Mr Simonsohn to rethink the earlier tests of seemingly wrongheaded坚持错误的 consumers. Perhaps the mock jurors refused to give up previous information not out of stubbornness or ignorance but because the experimenters failed to give them sufficient reason to change their minds. Car-seat buyers, in contrast, were willing to accept new information and discard old data because they trusted Consumer Reports—especially when the magazine was confessing a misstep.
This would have implications暗示 for more than just behavioural economics. Parents who refuse to vaccinate their children for fear of autism自我中心主义 are also concerned about child safety, but have discounted不重视 the strong evidence that no link exists. The problem, Mr Simonsohn suggests, might lie not with the new information but with the source: few health agencies inspire as much trust as Consumer Reports.

There are several good expression for Argument writing involved in this argument.
At the very first place, the author give us an opinion, then with the supportive of an experiment of a report, the former viewed was turned wrong. When an oposite atitude was established, the author tries to elucidate the former wrong phenomenon.

It is an ordinary structure in GRE reading material.

==================================================
8-2
Arab autocracy独裁统治
Thank you and goodbye
For good or ill, change is coming to Egypt and Saudi Arabia soon
Jul 15th 2010


THE fate of the Arab world’s two most important states lies in the hands of ageing老化的 autocrats. Hosni Mubarak, an 82-year-old air-force general who has ruled Egypt since 1981, is widely reported to be grievously令人悲伤的 ill. King Abdullah of Saudi Arabia, who assumed the throne of the Arabs’ richest country five years ago but has run the show for longer, is reckoned to be 86. The grim reaper死神 will bring change in both places soon.
Maybe the old men will manage to control their succession. President Mubarak has been preparing the ground for his son, Gamal, to take over (see Special report). King Abdullah’s anointed successor, Crown Prince Sultan, one of his 18 surviving brothers, has long been poorly, but there are plenty more where he came from (see article). Decades of repression have ensured that the opposition反对 is quiescent静止不动 in Egypt and virtually inaudible听不见的 in Saudi Arabia. But they have also made these countries vulnerable to violent disruption. Transition in autocracies often means instability.
The fate of these two countries matters to the West for two big reasons: energy and security. Egypt and Saudi Arabia have been reliable, if flawed有缺陷的, allies. Should they stumble跌倒, the West’s interests in the region will be imperilled处于危险之中的. That is why those regimes need to be encouraged to liberalise使自由 their countries’ economic and political systems further and turn them into places where change brings hope not fear.
What’s wrong with them…
The problem of Arab governance is by no means confined to those big two. In the past few centuries the Arabs, once pre-eminent in a host of skills, from astronomy天文学 and algebra代数学 to architecture and engineering, have seen their societies stagnate停滞 and fester溃烂. Though blessed with natural resources, especially the oil that has enriched Arab dynasties朝代 and their subservient屈从的 elites while often leaving the masses in penury, few Arab countries have seen their non-oil economies flourish or their people enjoy the public services or freedoms taken for granted elsewhere.
Of the Arab League’s 22 members, not a single one is a stable and fully fledged democracy. Fragile but sophisticated Lebanon may come nearest, despite its lethal rivalries between sect宗派 and clan宗族 and failure to get a single national army to control all its territory (see article). Post-Saddam Iraq has had genuine multiparty elections but is mired使困入 in corruption, violence and sectarian strife冲突. The Palestinians had a fair election in 2006 but the winners, the Islamists of Hamas, were not allowed to govern. A handful of other countries, such as Morocco and Kuwait, have multiparty systems, but monarchs still rule the roost当家. And where they have given way to republicans, new dynasties, such as Syria’s today and Libya’s probably tomorrow, still hold sway统治. Even sub-Saharan Africa has a better record of electoral freedom.
The rulers of Egypt and Saudi Arabia, ancient as they are, have made improvements. Egypt’s economy has belatedly延迟的 begun to grow quite fast. The Saudi king is educating his people, even women—though he still won’t let them drive a car. He has spent more than $12 billion creating just one new university near the Red Sea port of Jeddah, while pouring many more billions into ambitious projects, such as high-speed railways, that should benefit everyone. But the closed political systems of Egypt and Saudi Arabia, the uncertainties of dynastic power-mongering商人 and the corruption inherent in patronage赞助-ridden autocracies still often leads to plotting at the top and frustration that could spill over into anger at the bottom. That becomes more likely as the internet, mobile phones and easier travel make people far less easy to control.
It would be naive to urge or expect either country to become a full-blooded纯血性的 democracy in a trice 转眼之间. Each could descend into chaos, winding up with a fundamentalist version of Islamist rule that would make the present regimes look cuddly逗人喜爱的 by comparison. Many Egyptians, including reform-minded professionals, fear that the Islamists of the Muslim Brotherhood, the unofficial opposition, would never relinquish放弃 power once they had won it at the ballot box. Sensible Saudis know that those who sympathise with their compatriot Osama bin Laden would impose an incomparably nastier regime than the present one, if given the freedom to do so.
All the same, the suppression of Egypt’s Muslim Brothers, who have a large following, has been unwise as well as unjust. Thousands of them are in jail; many have been tortured. Leading Brothers repeatedly disavow否定 violence and jihad, insisting that they, like Turkey’s mild Islamists, would hold multiparty elections if they ever won power—and would graciously和蔼的 bow out if the voters told them to. Mr Mubarak must seek to draw the Brothers openly into the parliamentary and perhaps even ministerial fold, and test their sincerity, at first by giving them a chance to run local councils. And in the presidential election due next year, all the obstacles that make it nigh-impossible for a relative outsider, such as Mohamed ElBaradei, a former head of the UN’s nuclear watchdog, to compete, should be swept away. As for the Saudis, their king should at least encourage his Allegiance Commission, an inner family body of some 35 princes that is meant to oversee the succession, to skip a generation rather than plod down the geriatric line of the surviving sons of the founding king.

…and what’s to be done
Elections, though vital至关重要的 in the end, are not an early panacea灵丹妙药. What the Arabs need most, in a hurry, is the rule of law, independent courts, freeish media, women’s and workers’ rights, a market that is not confined to the ruler’s friends, and a professional civil service and education system that are not in hock to the government, whether under a king or a republic. In other words, they need to nurture civil society and robust institutions. The first task of a new Saudi king should be to enact a proper criminal code.
In the Arab lexicon词典, the concept of justice means more than democracy. In the end, you cannot have the first without the second. But the systems that now prevail in the Arab world provide for neither.
Leaders
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发表于 2010-7-19 15:53:59 |只看该作者
本帖最后由 谦行天下 于 2010-7-19 16:45 编辑

9-1 [7.19作业][学习]
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Curate's eggs不好不坏的东西
Jul 16th 2010, 14:37
by The Economist online | NEW YORK

THE second-quarter results posted so far by large American banks have been good in parts, bad in parts, though like the curate’s egg in the famous Punch cartoon, the bad somewhat outweighs the good. The relief that the worst of the crisis has passed—for them, if not their European peers—was palpable明显的. But some dark clouds remain in the sky.

First the good news.  All three of the banks reporting this week (JPMorgan Chase, Bank of America and Citigroup) beat analysts’ expectations, for what that is worth. And all saw a clear improvement in their loan books, with non-performing loans and charge-offs (of loans viewed as no-hopers) both falling—at JPMorgan, for instance, by 3% and 28% respectively compared with the previous quarter. This has allowed the banks to release some of their loan-loss provisions, the reserves they set aside to cover soured credit.

This looks like more than just a flash in the pan昙花一现. Citigroup’s net loan losses have now fallen for four straight quarters. That said on a conference call with journalists its chief financial officer, John Gerspach, was considerably more optimistic about emerging markets than America, where mortgage losses could remain stubbornly high. Brian Moynihan, BofA’s chief executive, said loan quality is improving faster than he had expected.

And the bad news? Demand for loans remains slack. Bankers are becoming “very worried” about asset growth in the medium to long term, says one consultant.

Worse, their securities and investment-banking businesses are no longer making money hand over fist平稳快捷的, as they did in the first quarter and for much of last year. JPMorgan’s investment bank saw revenues fall by 44% sequentially and by 6% year-on-year. This was partly down to investors curbing their appetites for risk in response to the European debt crisis and the “flash crash”, a sudden market plunge on May 6th. These helped to send volatility to levels that were uncomfortable even for the big marketmakers. A longer-term worry is that higher capital charges and other restrictions will take a permanent chunk out of capital-markets profits.

Less revenue, more regulation
Pessimists will lock on to the fact that overall revenues收入 are falling—at JPMorgan, for instance, by 9.4% from the previous quarter and by 2% from the year before. Perhaps the biggest worry for bankers is the continuing “deleveraging” of balance-sheets, both corporate and personal, and the threat of deflation. With large parts of their businesses still contracting收缩的, it is hard to be too optimistic.

Another source of uncertainty is regulation. Now that Congress has passed a financial-reform bill, it will be up to regulatory agencies to write hundreds of new rules. With this process only just beginning, it was hardly surprising that the banks had little new light to cast on the likely costs of this red tape官样文章 in their earnings calls. These are unlikely to become clear until some time next year.

Read on: The banks' supposedly miraculous contribution to economic growth has been more of a mirage

It seems the experts hold different views towards the rebond of the crisis.
I hope the economy could recover soon, but as the view in the passage that the time will be some time next year.
We need to be serious towards the finance in USA. Study chances for international students will become less.
============================================================================================================)
9-2[7.19作业][学习]

A mirage, not a miracle
The banks' contribution to the economy has been overstated

Jul 15th 2010

THE huge sums earned by banks and their employees over the past 30 years is a recurring puzzle. How has finance done so well for itself and why haven’t its returns been competed away?

Andrew Haldane, the executive director for financial stability at the Bank of England, has co-authored another incisive contribution to this debate in a chapter of a new book* published by the London School of Economics on July 14th. Analysing the recent performance of the banking industry, he concludes that it has been “as much mirage as miracle”.

Mr Haldane and his colleagues start with a statistical oddity奇异. The fourth quarter of 2008 almost saw the meltdown of the global financial system, with banks’ share prices falling by an average of 50%. Yet according to the British national accounts, the same quarter witnessed the fastest-ever increase in the contribution of the financial sector to the country’s economic growth.

That suggests there is something wrong with the calculations. The standard measure is gross value-added—the output of an industry minus the costs of production. That is a pretty easy sum to calculate when it comes to manufacturing. In finance, however, a lot of the gross value-added comes from making loans. Economists calculate this by measuring the difference between the rate charged on loans and a “reference rate”, which is pretty much the risk-free rate.

The consequence of this approach is that when interest margins rise for corporate borrowers, as they did in late 2008, the gross value-added of the banking sector appears to go up. But without adjusting for risk, this measure of the finance sector’s economic worth is meaningless. What really matters is whether the interest margin properly reflects the risk of default. As Mr Haldane comments: “A banking system that does not accurately assess and price risk is not adding much value to the economy.” That is a particular problem given that it seems clear the banks systematically underpriced risk in the period leading up to 2007.

You can look at the numbers in a different way. Was the finance industry using a larger share of the nation’s resources? In the British case, the industry’s share of labour and capital has been on a declining trend since 1990. Combine the gross value-added figure with the declining share of resources, and you might assume finance has enjoyed a productivity miracle over the past 20 years. This miracle could explain the very high returns on equity achieved by the banks and the very high wages given to bank employees (an international, not just a British, phenomenon).

But if the value-added figure is driven by a mistaken assessment of risk, a quite different picture emerges. Mr Haldane suggests that banks increased risk-taking by pursuing three different strategies: using more leverage, both on and off the balance-sheet; holding more assets on their trading books, where capital charges were lower and rising asset prices boosted profits; and writing “out-of-the-money” options, in other words selling insurance policies that offered steady returns in good times but disastrous losses in especially difficult times.

These greater risks brought little economic benefit. In the same book Adair Turner, the head of the Financial Services Authority (Britain’s soon-to-be-restructured regulator), points out that only a minority of bank activity concerns the channelling of savings to businesses investing in productive assets, what you might call the classic raison d’être of banking.

Instead, lending is dominated by the residential- and commercial-property cycle. These cycles are self-reinforcing: more lending pushes up property prices, which encourages more lending. At the margin, the property cycles might lead to the construction of better buildings, but such modest benefits are outweighed by the accompanying financial and economic instability.

The financial industry has done so well for itself, in short, because it has been given the licence to make a leveraged bet on property. The riskiness of that bet was underestimated because almost everyone from bankers through regulators to politicians missed one simple truth: that property prices cannot keep rising faster than the economy or the ability to service property-related debts. The cost of that lesson is now being borne by the developed world’s taxpayers.
* “The Contribution of the Financial Sector: Miracle or Mirage?” by Andrew Haldane, Simon Brennan a

I could not understand the financial problems in this passage.
But it seems to persuade us that bands can not reflect the economy.
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发表于 2010-7-20 20:41:27 |只看该作者
本帖最后由 谦行天下 于 2010-7-20 21:54 编辑

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10-1 [7.20]
Where has all the greatness gone?
Some Americans want to feel exceptional again. Better not to talk about it

Jul 15th 2010

THIS column wishes respectfully to propose a temporary ban on references in political debate to both American greatness and American exceptionalism. This is not because Lexington denies that America is great and exceptional. It is. The case for the ban is that both terms have been emptied of缺乏 serious meaning, converted into slogans and pressed into service, especially by the right, as a club with which to bludgeon恫吓 political opponents. They should be put aside at least until America emerges from its present economic crisis, and perhaps for longer.

Implementing this ban will not be easy. Greatness is part of America’s birthright与生俱来的权利 and lexicon词典. Its 18th-century founders had no doubt that they were embarking on a daring大胆的 experiment inspired by the highest ideals of the Enlightenment启蒙运动. In the 19th century came Manifest Destiny天定命运, great migrations and the push to the West, civil war and the end of slavery. The 20th brought titanic巨大的 struggles and famous victories against fascism法西斯主义 and communism.

Even today, battered连续猛击 by recession, deep in debt, mired in war, Americans remain proud of their country, and justly so. America still towers over高出 rivals对手 in scientific virtuosity精湛技术, military power, the vitality活力 of democracy and much else. Polls show that Americans are still among the most patriotic people in the world. This summer 83% told Pew that they were “extremely” or “very” proud to be American.

But taking pride in one’s country and wittering on喋喋不休 about its greatness are different things. Glenn Beck, a conservative broadcaster, ended a recent interview thus: “Do you think this is a country of divine神圣的 providence深谋远虑? A country of American exceptionalism? If you believe those two things to be true, that means God has a special purpose for this land and freedom.”

Talk like this is tiresome. Mr Beck is not advocating piety虔诚 so much as claiming a divine imprimatur赞许 for his own prejudice against big government. Just think what a relief it will be, once Lexington’s ban comes into force, to be able to debate the role of government on its merits按事情的是非曲直, without bringing providence into it.

The ban will also liberate America’s politicians to speak like normal people. At present, failing to lard点缀 their speeches with God and greatness can get them into serious trouble.

When Barack Obama visited France last year a British reporter asked the president whether he believed in American exceptionalism. Mr Obama said he did—“just as I suspect that the Brits believe in British exceptionalism and the Greeks believe in Greek exceptionalism.” You may think that an agreeably愉快地 tactful机智的 answer. And yet some conservatives have turned it into a profane亵渎的 text, one that proves Mr Obama’s unfitness不胜任 for the great office he holds. More than a year after the event they are still banging on攻击 about it. In the Washington Post last week Charles Krauthammer wrote the latest of a stream of articles about the Perfidious背信弃义的 Reply. With these words, say his detractors批评者, Mr Obama showed his true colours as a man who does not believe genuinely真实的 in America’s greatness and is secretly reconciled to甘心接受 its eventual decline.

What is going on? The simplest explanation for this tempest in a teapot小题大做 is that Mr Obama’s critics will seize on any perceived error. But it may be that those critics need to hear constant reaffirmations重申 of American greatness because of the doubt planted in their own hearts by the country’s present travails分娩的痛苦.

This would not be the first time American intellectuals知识分子 have been troubled by the sense of greatness slipping away溜走. Previous episodes插曲 have not always coincided with hardship at home or testing foreign wars. Times of ease and plenty can bring on the same longing. In the 1950s, that golden age, Arthur Schlesinger Jr wrote “The Decline of Greatness”, lamenting惋惜 the departure of great men and the nation’s descent into bland conformity.

This is why the greatness talk is not only divisive and obfuscatory糊涂的 but also sometimes dangerous. One antidote解毒剂 to ennui厌倦 is war. In a recent history of American foreign policy, “The Icarus Syndrome”, Peter Beinart draws a comparison between the Kennedy administration and that of George W. Bush. Kennedy was ardent热情的 for glory and the cold war provided the arena. In the eyes of some American conservatives, the war against al-Qaeda基地组织 offered a similar opportunity to answer the call of greatness. In both cases, Mr Beinart argues, the desire to do great deeds and not simply what was necessary led to episodes of overreach and disappointment.


Asking for the moon

When war loses its capacity to exhilarate高兴, seekers after national greatness need something else. Re-enter Mr Krauthammer, fulminating爆炸性的 this time against Mr Obama’s sensible decision to downsize以小尺寸计 the plan he inherited from Mr Bush for America to return to the moon by 2020, and thence然后 to Mars. Would returning to the moon and heading for Mars reconnect Americans with their greatness? Many might think the idea batty古怪的 in present circumstances. But that, of course, is the whole trouble when greatness, undefined, is made into an objective in its own right.

In 1997 David Brooks, writing then for the Weekly Standard and now at the New York Times, wrote an essay called “A Return to National Greatness”, complaining that America had abandoned high public aspiration抱负 and become preoccupied with “the narrower concerns of private life”. It almost doesn’t matter what great task government sets for itself, Mr Brooks said, “as long as it does some tangible可触摸的 thing with energy and effectiveness”.

If that was ever good advice, it is rotten advice坏主意 now. Americans are not unhappy because they lack an energetic government; many think Mr Obama’s administration too energetic by half. The last thing the country needs is to be distracted from its practical problems by the quest for an elusive greatness. Put such language away, says Lexington. America is indeed a great and exceptional country. But it isn’t talking about it that makes it so.

================================================================================================================================
10-2[7.20]

A plan to consolidate Greece's banks
A controversial consolidation
Jul 17th 2010, 12:16
by The Economist online


A SURPRISE offer by Piraeus Bank, Greece’s fourth largest, to buy the government’s stakes in two other lenders could be the start of a much-needed consolidation in the country’s banking industry. It could also give a boost推动 to the big privatisation私有化 programme that the government is planning, to help cut its crippling造成严重后果的 debt burden. But the proposal is likely to prove highly controversial.

Piraeus’s boss, Michalis Sallas, a smart and stealthy鬼鬼祟祟的 mover in Greek banking, announced his offer to pay the state ?701m ($900m) in cash for a 33% share of TT (Hellenic Postbank) and a 77% share of ATE (Greek Agricultural Bank) on July 15th. Both banks are losing money, but TT is generally regarded as the apple of the Greek state’s eye because of its solid deposit base. Quite the opposite, ATE has long been used by administrations as something of a trash bin for bad loans. Both institutions also have a symbolic significance. TT is associated with the growth of the Greek petit次要的 bourgeoisie中产阶级: it is a household brand that spells security. Greece’s large agricultural class has emotional ties to ATE that are hard to sever断开,分离.

According to Piraeus, if the three banks join forces they will form the second-largest lender in the domestic industry, with combined assets of around ?105 billion and deposits of ?64 billion. It talks of cost reductions of up to ?220m and gains from synergies协同增效效应 of up to ?100m. However, Standard & Poor’s responded to the news of the offer by putting Piraeus Bank on its watch list for a possible downgrading of its credit rating—despite the deal’s merits in terms of improving Piraeus’ business profile and deposit base:

"...we believe that these benefits would be offset抵消 by the higher credit risk that would be embedded in the consolidated entity’s loan book compared with Piraeus’ own credit portfolio. We also believe that the execution risks that would arise from the acquisition would be exacerbated加重 by the current sharp economic contraction and the weak operating environment we expect in Greece for the coming years. Additionally, if the acquisition is completed under the terms of the offer presented by Piraeus, the bank estimates a pro forma solvency偿付能力 ratio for the consolidated entity of 9%, 80 basis points below Piraeus’ current total solvency indicator.”

The Greek finance minister, George Papaconstantinou, just a few hours before the offer was announced. The government has said it will hire independent consultants to assess Mr Sallas’s offer. It is likely to receive rival bids for the bank stakes. It will also have to deal with the public’s likely worries about Piraeus’s proposal.

Like other Greek banks, Piraeus has been getting capital injections from the government since 2008. None has paid back the state yet. So Greek taxpayers may be indignant愤愤不平的 at the sight of a lender that they rescued spending large amounts of money on a potentially highly profitable deal before it has repaid them. Employees of TT and ATE have already expressed their opposition: on Friday they went on strike in protest at a “bankers’ conspiracy against the property of the Greek people,” warning the government: “Don’t you dare”.

Although the deal is likely to be politically awkward, in principle there is little doubt that Greece’s banking system, and the country’s precarious finances, would benefit greatly from consolidation to produce a smaller number of stronger, more efficient institutions. To satisfy the public’s concerns and get the best value for the taxpayer’s money, instead of negotiating the sales of the state shareholdings in a murky, rumour-driven process—as is usual in Greek public life—the government would do well to follow the letter of the existing legal framework for selling such state assets. Doing things openly and by the book will be a bit of a novelty新奇的食物 for a Greek government. But given the long list of privatisations that Mr Papaconstantinou is hoping to push through, the sale of the TT and ATE bank stakes is a good opportunity to start getting better at it.

It is a essay about finance. A proposal about consolidating of three banks in Greece. Some support, but some against.
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发表于 2010-7-21 23:06:15 |只看该作者
本帖最后由 谦行天下 于 2010-7-23 20:09 编辑

11-1[7.21]
GRE words
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Comment and Questions

The controversies in climate science
Science behind closed doors
Two new reports say the science of climate change is fine, but that some scientists and the institutions they work in need to change their attitudes

Jul 8th 2010

THE winter of 2009 was a rough time for climate science. In November, in the run-up to the Copenhagen climate conference, over 1,000 private e-mails from and to researchers at the Climatic Research Unit (CRU), a part of the University of East Anglia (UEA) in Britain, appeared on the internet, presumably after being stolen. At the same time a controversy was bubbling up in India over a claim in the 2007 assessment report by the Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change (IPCC) that the Himalayas could lose all their glaciers in 25 years, which was wrong. These events seemed to provide evidence of embarrassing incompetence, at the very least.

Explanations were demanded and committees were formed to deliver them. This week two of those committees reported. For the CRU and what became known as “climategate”, an independent panel was created by UEA and chaired by Muir Russell, a former vice-chancellor of the University of Glasgow. The Dutch environmental-assessment agency was asked to look for other errors in the regional analyses of the IPCC’s report. Both the reports conclude that the science of climate is sound and that the professional characters of the scientists involved are unimpeach弹劾ed. But they raise important issues about how to do science in such an argumentative area and under new levels of scrutiny, especially from a largely hostile and sometimes expert blogosphere博客圈.

The Dutch agency found a few errors in the relevant chapters of the IPCC’s report, though none amounted to much了不起,有重要作用. It also raised questions about concentrating on bad or worst-case possibilities rather than a range of outcomes. The agency did not say this was a bad thing—policymakers need to have the most critical information flagged up—but it thinks it would be better to explain more clearly what is going on.

Martin Parry, who in 2007 was co-chair of the relevant IPCC working group, says there was not a conscious decision to highlight negative effects, but to highlight important ones, as measured by such things as scale and irreversibility. The important effects are negative ones: this is why people are worried about climate change. A tendency for the IPCC process to produce outputs more worrying, at the margins, than its inputs does not necessarily show bias. It may reflect accurate expert assessment. But the risk that it is a sort of self-reinforcing groupthink merits attention.


Open to criticism

A form of groupthink certainly seems to have been at work in the climategate e-mails. The Russell committee was most exercised by a lack of openness at the CRU, in part explained, but not excused, by a sort of a siege mentality受困心态. The committee found that the scientists committed nothing close to fraud. It showed that the data needed to reconstruct CRU’s temperature records were widely available. Informed by a warts-and-all account of peer review from Richard Horton, editor of The Lancet, a medical journal, the committee took the researchers’ harsh behaviour towards critics and leniency宽大 towards allies not as unduly过度的 partial or aggressive, but as part of the “rough and tumble争做一团 of interaction in an area of science that has become heavily contested.” As an eminent杰出的(代替famous) historian of science put it to a naive scientist when the story first broke, “Everything you believe to be true once looked like this.”

But the committee did criticise the researchers for an unwillingness to pass on data to their critics, for failing to specify which weather stations they were using, for keeping quiet IPCC discussions that should have been public, and so on. This flowed through into “clear incitement刺激物” to delete files rather than have them surrendered under Britain’s freedom-of-information act. The committee found UEA’s procedures on freedom of information poor.

Rather remarkably, neither the Russell committee or the university has asked Phil Jones, who ran the CRU, whether he actually deleted e-mails with the intention of foiling挫败 subsequent requests under the act. The university says it takes very seriously the need to improve its openness. At the same time it has appointed Dr Jones to a new position as director of research at the CRU—“definitely not a demotion降级”—while abolishing the role of director and integrating the unit more fully into its school of environmental sciences.

In doing this UEA accepts that Dr Jones’s role in one of the most famous aspects of climategate—his “hide the decline” e-mail—was “misleading”, as the Russell report puts it, without deliberately intending to be so. The growth of some trees, as recorded in their rings, tracks temperature from the 19th century to the 1960s, but then ceases to do so: the two records diverge. In a graph prepared for the World Meteorological Organisation in 1999, Dr Jones cut off the divergent part of one set of tree-ring data and spliced on data from thermometers. The scientific literature contained full discussions about the problems of divergence and various ways of dealing with them, but Dr Jones’s chart had no readily accessible explanations or caveats.

The Russell report is thorough, but it will not satisfy all the critics. Nor does it, in some ways, fulfil its remit移交的事物. One of the enduring mysteries of climategate is who chose the e-mails released onto the internet and why they did so. These e-mails represented just 0.3% of the material on the university’s backup server, from which they were taken. This larger content has still not really been explored.

And then there is the science. An earlier report on climategate from the House of Commons assumed that a subsequent probe by a panel under Lord Oxburgh, a former academic and chairman of Shell, would deal with the science. The Oxburgh report, though, sought to show only that the science was not fraudulent欺骗性的 or systematically flawed, not that it was actually reliable. And nor did Sir Muir, with this third report, think judging the science was his job. So, for verdicts裁判 as to whether the way that tree-rings from the Yamal peninsula in Siberia were treated by the CRU produced good results, those following the affair will have to look for future developments in journals and elsewhere. The mode of production has been found acceptable, but the product is for others to judge. Science, in the normal run of things, should do that; and if it does so in a more open, blogosphere-inclusive way some good will have come of the affair.

Science and Technology
=============================================================================================================================
11-2[7.21]

Climate science
A mammoth effect
Hunting large herbivores may have (slightly) contributed to global warming
Jul 8th 2010
CHRISTOPHER FIELD is probably best known as the co-chair of the Intergovermental Panel on Climate Change’s working group on impacts, adaptation and vulnerability. In his day-job, however, he still engages in some serious boffinry. Take the paper soon to be published in Geophysical Research Letters which he wrote with two colleagues from the Carnegie Institution for Science in Stanford. They argue that mankind’s prehistoric penchant for mammoth may have had a discernible可识别的 effect on climate.

Implausible难以置信的 though this may sound, the theoretical(plantotic) mechanism behind such an effect is pretty well understood. There is plenty of evidence to suggest that early humans were at least in part responsible for driving the woolly megafauna to extinction (the other culprit罪犯 being natural climate change). Because excavated挖掘 guts【沟,贪食者】 of frozen specimens show them to have grazed on, among other things, small trees such as birch桦条, a reduction in mammoths is likely to have led to a proliferation of deciduous落叶性的 trees. The resulting landscape, being darker, would have absorbed more sunlight, heating up the air above the Earth’s surface.

Still, postulating假设 the effect is one thing; teasing戏弄 it out from the cobweb蜘蛛网 of climatic feedback loops and estimating its magnitude等级 is something else altogether. Dr Field’s team set about the task by analysing ancient records of birch pollen preserved in lake sediments from known mammoth breeding grounds like Siberia. They found a spike长钉 coinciding with a drop in mammoth numbers some 15,000 years ago. To see how much less land birch would have covered, they used elephants as a proxy代理人. The rate at which present-day pachyderms厚皮类动物 munch用力咀嚼 plants and uproot trees was adjusted for the presumed differences in the two species’ behaviour and the variation in vegetation between the mammoths’ tundra and the elephants’ African savannah.

From all this the researchers conclude that the extra area invaded by birch would have been 23% smaller, on average, had mammoths continued grazing. Plugged into a climate model this translates into a 0.13°C temperature rise in Siberian climes over the course of several centuries following the extinction (though some places would have warmed by as much as 1°C).

This may not sound catastrophic; the average global temperature is believed to have risen by 0.74°C in the 20th century alone. But if the model holds up, and if our ancestors really did have a hand in eradicating the hirsute多毛的 herbivores, then mankind’s climate-meddling干预 may have predated早于。。之上的 the advent of slash-and-burn刀耕火种的 agriculture 8,000 years ago, the earliest previous estimate, by as much as seven millennia千年期. If only undoing global warming were as simple as breeding elephants.

Science and Technology
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发表于 2010-7-23 20:13:59 |只看该作者
本帖最后由 谦行天下 于 2010-7-26 00:31 编辑

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Comment and Questions
12-1[7.22]
Biotechnology
Chemistry goes green
Behind the scenes, industrial biotechnology is getting going at last
Jul 1st 2010 | WASHINGTON, DC

IS GREEN chemistry ready for take-off? Delegates at a big conference on “industrial biotechnology” held near Washington, DC, this week by Bio, the industry’s umbrella organisation, seemed to think so. Industrial biotech uses agricultural feedstocks原料供应, rather than petroleum-based ones, to produce chemicals, plastics and fuels. McKinsey, a consultancy, says global industry revenues will grow from ?116 billion ($170 billion) in 2008 to as much as ?450 billion by 2020. The World Economic Forum reckons the coming boom in “biorefineries” will create new markets worth almost $300 billion by 2020.

Industrial biotech seems to have been relatively unscathed未受伤的 by the financial crisis. Codexis, an American start-up backed by Royal Dutch Shell, an Anglo-Dutch oil giant, pulled off a stockmarket flotation in April. Amyris, another American start-up, secured an investment of around $130m from Total, a French oil firm, this week and is likely to go public soon too.

In part, this is because big companies are embracing拥抱 the technology. Frito-Lay, a maker of snacks controlled by PepsiCo, is adopting compostable混合的 crisp packets. Wal-Mart, the world’s biggest retailer, is expanding its use of bioplastics. Procter & Gamble, a consumer-products giant, recently agreed to use some biochemicals made by Amyris in its products. Craig Binetti of DuPont, a chemicals colossus巨人, says his firm’s industrial-biotech sales soar飙升ed from $50m in 2007 to $200m last year—and will grow to $1 billion by 2015.

Another reason industrial biotech is taking off, after several false starts, is that the technologies involved are now mature enough to be scaled up按比例放大 from laboratory curiosities to full commercialisation商业化. “We’re not just dealing with vats any more,” insists Volkert Claassen of Royal DSM, a Dutch maker of food enzymes. This week the firm announced a joint venture企业 with Roquette Frères, a French chemicals firm, to build a factory to produce a bio-based version of succinic acid琥珀酸, which is used in paints, textiles and coatings.

Similarly, Metabolix, an American firm, has set up a $300m facility in Iowa with Archer Daniels Midland, an agribusiness giant. DuPont has teamed up with Tate & Lyle, a British sugar firm, to build the first commercial factory to make propanediol丙二醇 (a chemical used in cosmetics化妆品, among other things) from corn instead of petroleum. And on June 28th Elevance, an American firm, announced a joint venture with Wilmar International, an Asian agribusiness giant, to build the world’s largest chemicals biorefinery in Indonesia by 2011.

Developing countries are emerging as major markets and sources of innovation for industrial biotech. Braskem, a Brazilian chemicals firm, has commercialised polyethylene—a commonly used plastic resin—made from sugarcane. It is now working with Novozymes, a pioneering Danish biotech firm, to repeat the trick for polypropylene, another common plastic. And Brazil’s ethanol industry, already the world’s biggest, wants to move from first-generation ethanol (made from sugarcane) to the next-generation cellulosic variety.

That Brazilian edge worries the American biofuels industry, and highlights the final factor now boosting推进 industrial biotech: government support. At this week’s conference, for example, America’s Department of Energy announced $24m in funding for algae-based biofuels (on top of an existing $146m). But bureaucrats官僚 can bet on the wrong technologies. Brent Erickson of Bio observes that although governments are keenly强烈的 promoting biofuels, most private investment in industrial biotech is going into other, less prominent areas.

And governments are too easily pushed into protectionism保护主义. An egregious臭名昭著的 example is America’s tariff ($0.54 per gallon) on imported ethanol, to protect domestic producers of corn-based ethanol. Marcos Jank, head of Brazil’s sugarcane association, took to the conference stage in a yellow, green and blue shirt. Asked if this was to show support for his country’s football team, he turned around to reveal the back of his shirt. It bore the number 54 and the message “cutthetariff.com”.

Business
==============================================================================================================================
12-2[7.22]

The Difference Engine: The wisdom of crowds

Jul 15th 2010, 13:56 by N.V. | LOS ANGELES

EVER noticed how opinionated the world has become? It’s not just all those product reviews on websites like Amazon, Expedia or eBay. From Facebook to Twitter, personal opinions litter the blogosphere—sometimes in narratives apropos of nothing in particular; other times embedded in comments on the news; and frequently, sad to say, as flagrant plugs by shills masquerading as innocent bystanders.

Once we sought advice from friends and family about what, where and when to buy something. We read newspapers and magazines to form opinions about current events, movies to watch, new books worth reading, who or what to vote for, and why. We went to libraries to check out how to solve problems that concerned us. In business, we relied on surveys, focus groups and consultants.

That’s all begun to change. Thanks to the internet, we are now inundated with advice from millions upon millions of opinionated folk we’ve never met—and frankly haven’t a clue how to assess. The fashionable term for trying to glean useful insights from it all is crowd sourcing. But read any selection of blogs (there are over 112m of them in the English language alone) and you quickly learn that meaningful information is in short supply.

Ironically, that may not matter much. As a fledgling investment banker, your correspondent learned many years ago that, as far as markets were concerned, emotions trump facts any day. It isn't events that move markets, but reactions to them, so long as they are shared by a big enough bunch of traders. “What’s the sentiment on the street?” is the cry heard on trading floors around the world. Sure, in their Mr Spock mode traders scour the horizon for hard-nosed data, read their analysts’ reports and digest breaking news. But then Captain Kirk kicks in and they interpret these through a prism of personal experience, with its predilections, prejudices, doubts, and fears.

That is equally true of politics and public opinion. At Oxford University, Sandra González-Bailón and colleagues at Barcelona Media Innovation Centre have been using the emotional content of online discussions to predict how American presidents fare at election time. The technique provides an alternative to approval ratings, which gauge support based on a wide range of issues over the short-term, or opinion surveys, which collect responses to a narrow, pre-selected set of issues over the long-term. The attraction of the emotion-based approach is that it hones in on issues that people actually find important and want to discuss, rather than on topics predetermined by pollsters. It also offers clues to the psychological mechanisms that lie behind shifts in public mood—as happened most noticeably in America after the terrorist attacks of September 11th, 2001.

But it is in the economic sphere that emotionally charged opinions matter most. They make the world go round by informing our purchasing decisions about houses, motor cars, mobile phones and many other bits of merchandise. So, we need to take opinions—whether level-headed or misguided—very seriously indeed. Above all, we need to find better ways of tapping the wisdom of the jabbering online masses while dispensing with the drivel.

Your correspondent isn't the first to ponder how to exploit the wonders of word-of-mouth. Social scientists have been asking themselves similar questions for years. More recently, academics in natural-language processing have embraced the topic. Now, entrepreneurs are getting in on the act. Over the past few years, 60-odd companies have set up shop to develop tools for clients needing a better grip on what, deep down, their customers or constituents really think.

Most of the work to date has used semantic search engines to parse text retrieved from the web for meaning, disambiguating words with similar spellings by taking their context into account. So far, however, such natural-language processing has favoured narrow fields like medicine or law where the terminology is limited. The computational burden would be too much if used with conventional search engines like Google or Bing, which continuously index the entire web rather than merely a slice of it.

A better understanding of what’s actually being said on the web has come from an approach called “deep content analysis”. This goes way beyond the realm of simple semantic search, allowing computers to understand the complete and unambiguous meaning of sentences. Still, it doesn't help distinguish the relatively clear, objective statements of fact from the invariably subjective and shifting opinions that give voice to a person’s inner feelings, sentiments and attitudes to various things.

It is precisely the difficulty of extracting this emotionally charged content from the detached, hard-boiled sort that makes sentiment analysis such a tough nut to crack. Often, the relevant sentences or clauses are buried in long forum posts, blogs, or open-ended replies in stacks of questionnaires. Just finding them can take armies of analysts equipped with marker pens and printouts weeks on end. And then one has to decide whether the sentiment concerned is positive, neutral or negative, assigning some numerical ranking to it (say, +5 , 0 or -2), so the overall results can be digitised and processed as raw data.

The problem doesn’t end there. In mathematical terms, an opinion is what Bing Liu, a computer scientist at the University of Illinois in Chicago, calls a “quintuple” or five-variable expression. The variables include the object being evaluated, its various features, the strength of the sentiment (in numerical terms), the person who expressed it, and when. The analysts’ job is to mine the text for all five pieces of information in order to identify distinct quintuples. Next, any pseudo-sentiments (spam) must be filtered out. Only then can the data be processed—and an averaged-out quintuple generated.

All of which sounds like a lot of hard work. No surprise, then, that so many start-ups have rushed to fill the need. Providing smart software that takes the grunt work out of mining text for opinions has helped Clarabridge of Reston, Virginia, grow at over 50% annually for the past few years. The company’s automated sentiment tools are used by AOL, Marriott, Nissan, Wal-Mart, Wendy's, United Airlines and a dozen other Fortune 1,000 firms.

Clarabridge’s software lets firms process all the customer feedback that normally goes to waste (typically 80%) because it’s trapped in some unstructured form. Equally important, such software allows sentiment analysis, which would take weeks to do manually, to be carried out in real-time—and on an 11-point scale instead of the basic three-value sort (positive, neutral or negative). This gives firms a deeper understanding of their customers’ needs, and helps them respond more rapidly to changes in demand.

Lately, your correspondent has seen a sentiment engine based on ideas derived from decoding the human genome that spits out real-time opinions about the stockmarket’s behaviour almost as quickly as the index can react. He wouldn't be at all surprised if in a year or two such an opinion-harvester were bundled with a program-trading system to create a money-spinning killer app. If only he had got his hands on one before bidding farewell to the trading floor to become an impoverished inky-fingered wretch instead. An opinionated one, mind you.
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发表于 2010-7-25 23:36:06 |只看该作者
Elections选举 in Hong Kong
Functionally democratic 民主选举
For once, a Chinese political concession让步
Jun 24th 2010 | Beijing

AFTER five years of stalemate僵局, a compromise妥协 between Hong Kongs democrats民主党派 and Chinese officials has paved the way铺路 for the approval同意 of fiercely激烈的 debated political reforms by the territorys legislature香港的立法机关. This spares the local government potential embarrass(使窘迫)ment. It will allow a majority of legislators to be elected by popular vote for the first time in Hong Kongs history. For China, too, these will be uncharted不知道的
waters.
Noisy demonstrations by hundreds of people outside the Legislative Council立法会, or Legco, building in central Hong Kong suggested that the package will not end political feuding(feud宿怨) over the pace of democratic reform. The demonstrators示威者 accused the Democratic Party, the biggest pro-democracy group, of abandoning its principles by supporting the compromise. As The Economist went to press挤压, Legco was still debating the most controversial有争议的
reforms, of the next Legco election in 2012, but had approved changes to the election for the chief executive in the same year. Of Legcos 60 members only a dozen or so were expected to vote against the Legco-related motion. Objectors say the package fails to spell out how Hong Kong will eventually achieve full democracy. One Democratic Party legislator quit the party in protest抗议.
Yet the concessions让步 made by the Chinese and Hong Kong government are more striking. The reforms will increase the number of Legco seats to 70 in the next elections. Five of the new seats will be directly elected, representing geographical constituencies地方选区. The other five will represent district地区 councils委员会, which look after local issues such as cultural events and environmental projects.
Originally最初的 China had opposed反对 any change in the equal split in Legco between geographical seats and those for functional constituencies, returned by business, professional and other interest groups. Members chosen by functional constituencies are mostly pro-government. Their votes, added to those of the handful of directly elected pro-government legislators, ensure确保 that on most issues出版争议 the government and its backers in Beijing get their way.
Pro-democracy politicians demand that functional constituencies be scrapped打架扔弃废旧 by 2020, which is when China has promised universal suffrage普选权” for Legco elections. China is reluctant不情愿 to abolish them. But during talks with Democratic Party leaders on June 20th, a senior Chinese official agreed to the partys proposal for the five new seats reserved for district councillors to be chosen by a much bigger electorate合格选举人. The candidates候选人 would be nominated提名 by district councillors, but everyone who does not have a vote in another functional constituency (about 93% of the electorate) would be allowed to pick the winners.
Arcane神秘的 and trivial琐细的微不足道的 though it sounds, this was a remarkable值得注意的 turnaround from earlier Chinese hints. Officials probably worried that if they did not concede屈服让步 the point, the political-reform package might be rejected by Legco. Changes in voting arrangements need the support of two-thirds of legislators, which in effect gives the pro-democracy camp a veto否决. In 2005 the government suffered a severe political blow when legislators turned down its first attempt at political reform.
The Democratic Party has been bitterly attacked by its ideological allies for abandoning its earlier insistence on popular elections for all seats in 2012. They say that by accepting an expanded electoral base for the district council-filled seats, the Democratic Party has implicitly含蓄的
endorsed赞同支持 the idea of functional constituencies, and made it even harder to persuade China to abolish them.
Approval of the package means Donald Tsang曾荫权, Hong Kongs chief executive, no longer has to worry about leaving office in 2012 having made no progress towards greater democracy. That remains a stated goal of his and Chinas governments, much as China clearly hopes to load the dice against democrats. It is for Mr Tsangs successor, and new leaders who will take over in China too in 2012, to do battle with the democrats over the next steps.

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发表于 2010-7-26 00:26:38 |只看该作者
16-1【7月26日作业】from-- the economist
Technology

BabbageFuel economyThe Difference Engine: Twice the bang for the buck

Jul 23rd 2010, 8:00 by N.V. | LOS ANGELES

REMEMBER those wailing banshee motorcycles with plumes of acrid blue smoke billowing behind them? Your correspondent came of age astride one. But few two-stroke engines survived the draconian pollution measures of the latter part of the 20th century. Today, the little two-stroke smoker lives on largely in lawnmowers, chainsaws, hedge-trimmers and the like—where its cheapness, lightness and willingness to run in any orientation has won it a loyal following among gardeners everywhere. From the road, though, it has all but vanished.

Yet, the traditional two-stroke petrol engine—so-called because it had two strokes per cycle instead of the more usual four—had a lot going for it. With no complicated poppet valves and cam shafts, no oil reservoir and far fewer parts all round, it cost less than half as much to make as a comparable four-stroke engine, and was far lighter into the bargain. Also, because it fired once every revolution instead of once every other revolution, it put out considerably more power than four-strokes of similar size.

Simplicity remains the two-stroke’s greatest virtue. The engine still has to perform the same four separate processes (“suck”, “squeeze”, “bang”, “blow”) as a four-stroke. But it does so by making the exhaust stroke (“blow”) at the end of one cycle and the induction stroke (“suck”) at the start of the next cycle happen simultaneously while the piston is travelling through the bottom half of the cylinder. The other two strokes—compression (“squeeze”) and combustion (“bang”)—are carried out sequentially while the piston is in the cylinder’s upper half.

In its basic form, a two-stroke consists of a specially shaped piston rising and falling in a cylinder that has an exhaust port on one side and an inlet port lower down on the other. As the piston falls, it first uncovers the exhaust port, which allows most of the spent gases from the previous cycle to be expelled. It then uncovers the inlet port, where fresh air-fuel mixture is admitted. The compression stroke occurs as the piston rises back up the cylinder, with the mixture being ignited by a spark plug as the piston nears the top of its stroke and both ports are covered.

Sadly, such simplicity comes at a price. The fact that the inlet and exhaust ports are, for part of the stroke, open simultaneously means that the engine’s scavenging (getting rid of the burned gases before fresh fuel is admitted) is less than ideal. Inadequate scavenging was one of the reasons for the two-stroke’s poor economy. Over the years, various attempts have been made to improve matters. The method most widely used today—loop scavenging—was invented in Germany during the 1920s. A carefully shaped inlet port causes the incoming mixture to swirl around the cylinder rather than make a bee-line for the open exhaust port. Not only does this permit better scavenging, the turbulence also promotes combustion. The result is greater power and better fuel economy.

The two-stroke’s downfall is usually attributed to its “total loss” lubrication system. Instead of being contained in the engine’s sump, the lubricant was pre-mixed with the fuel (traditionally as one part of oil to 16 of petrol, though up to 50 parts of petrol later became possible). Because oil is less combustible than petrol, as much as a third of it can survive the process—escaping into the atmosphere as unburned hydrocarbons and soot.

In truth, this was not the only reason for the two-stroke’s disappearance. Most of the leading motorcycle makers of the day stopped building two-strokes not because of concerns about pollution, but because they wanted to focus on their pricier and more profitable four-stroke models. A rule change finagled by the manufacturers, which forced 250cc two-strokes to compete on the track against 450cc four-strokes, did the trick. The two-stroke’s demise—at least on the road and the track, if not in the dirt, the snow and the forest—followed swiftly.

And there the technology rests. Or it did so until recently. Two-strokes are back in the news, thanks to the success of pilotless planes like the Predator and Reaper in Iraq and Afghanistan. A new generation of air-cooled two-strokes that look like grown up versions of the baby diesel engines aeromodellers have used for decades are being hurried into production for military duty by firms such as Cosworth, Desert Air, Evolution, Graupner, OS Engines and Zenoah. They range in size from 10cc to over 200cc, and can run on a variety of fuels, including avgas and jet-fuel as well as petrol and diesel.

Surprisingly, however, it is on the road that two-strokes look set to make their most dramatic comeback. Two new, and radically different, designs are causing the biggest stir.

One is a variable-compression engine, called the Omnivore, developed by Lotus Engineering in Britain. The Omnivore, with its direct injection and variable compression, can operate like a diesel, using heat from the compressed gases to ignite the mixture spontaneously instead of relying on a spark plug. It runs on a variety of fuels (as its name implies) and has all the virtues of a diesel—high efficiency and low emission of carbon monoxide.

What is so clever about the Omnivore is the way its variable-compression technology combines with the two-stroke’s thermodynamic efficiency to produce an engine that works well at low loads. A problem shared by the majority of four-stroke petrol engines used in cars is their throttling losses when they are driven less than flat out. Motorists spend most of their time pottering around on part-throttle, so a four-stroke petrol engine’s overall efficiency is rarely more than 17% (compared with the 30% or so possible on full throttle). The Omnivore’s diesel-like behaviour means it does not have to contend with throttling losses. That makes it ideal for part-load conditions, which should be a boon for bigger cars, where improvements in fuel economy and emissions will have their biggest impact.

The other two-stroke that is garnering attention—not to mention $23.5m of series B funding recently from Khosla Ventures, a Californian venture-capital company, and Bill Gates—is the Opposed Piston Opposed Cylinder (OPOC) engine developed by EcoMotors International of Troy, Michigan. The idea behind OPOC has been tried before, notably during the second world war by Junkers in its diesel-powered Ju 86 bomber. But like all the valveless two-strokes of its day, the Junkers engine suffered from poor scavenging. The EcoMotors design, by contrast, benefits from the latest thinking in “uniflow” gas exchange.

The OPOC engine, which can run on either diesel or petrol, uses four pistons that share a pair of horizontally opposed cylinders—similar in layout to the “flat engine” in a VW Beetle or BMW motorbike. But in each cylinder the mixture is compressed between two pistons moving in opposite directions, instead of being squeezed between one moving piston and a fixed cylinder head. Because the pistons share the work, each has only half the distance to travel, and therefore its speed remains low. As the engine’s rotational speed (and thus its power output) is limited ultimately by piston speed, the OPOC can rotate twice as fast as an engine with fixed cylinder heads before hitting its piston-speed limit. Early trials suggest the OPOC could have at least 30% better fuel economy than a comparable-sized conventional engine driven under typical urban conditions.

How soon it will be before disruptive technologies like the Omnivore or OPOC hit the road is difficult to say. But your correspondent sees no reason why conventional, non-hybrid passenger cars capable of at least 60mpg (3.9 litres/100km) in the city should not be around within a decade. By giving twice the bang for the buck, the two-stroke could yet be the answer to a motorist’s prayers.

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发表于 2010-7-26 00:32:46 |只看该作者
16-2【7月26日作业】from--TIMEThe Big OneBy Austin Ramzy Monday, Aug. 02, 2010

In expert hands, natural disasters are fail-safe box-office fodder, and when it comes to dramatizing two of China's deadliest cataclysms, such hands appear to belong to 51-year-old movie director Feng Xiaogang. Hugely successful and blessed with a gift for depicting the kinds of characters and situations that ordinary Chinese flock in their millions to see, Feng has just released his latest blockbuster. Entitled Aftershock, it's a massive, mawkish adaptation of Zhang Ling's eponymous 2006 novel of the 1976 Tangshan earthquake. That disaster claimed at least 240,000 lives, but the plot of Aftershock carries forward to 2008 and the Sichuan quake, which left 87,000 dead or missing. The movie hit the screens just six days before the 34th anniversary of the Tangshan horror.
The fact that Tangshan took place within living memory and that Sichuan is still a raw trauma doesn't seem to trouble Feng. On one level, "we will show an earthquake that the audience feels is real," he says. On another, Feng is confident that he can decently convey "the hurt deep in people's hearts — the wound that still exists after dozens of years." And finally, there's the obligation to tell "a good story." That's something audiences have come to expect from him. Since his first film, the 1994 comedy Gone Forever with My Love, Feng has directed a dozen box-office hits. He lacks the arty reputation of Beijing Film Academy graduates like Zhang Yimou and Chen Kaige, and is an unknown on the international festival circuit, but Feng is happy working in the mainstream. He began his career building sets for an army drama troupe, before getting into TV and rising to prominence as the director of the early 1990s drama Beijinger in New York — a background that has steeped him in populist entertainment. "I have to think whether the audience will come to see the movie," he says. (See the top 10 deadliest earthquakes.)
Feng properly hit his commercial stride when he became the first mainland director to release his movies in the relaxed period between Christmas and the Lunar New Year, when people have more time and money for the cinema. Dream Factory, a 1997 comedy about a group of friends who decide to make extra cash by impersonating characters according to their clients' needs, was the first hesuipian, as these festively timed films are now called, and took in $5 million, about six times what it cost to make. Feng has made a hesuipian most years since, with great success. In late 2008, it was the romantic comedy If You Are the One, which featured Ge You, the lead in several Feng films, playing opposite Taiwan-born star Shu Qi. Feng is directing a sequel for late 2010 release.
According to film critic Tan Fei, the huge popularity of Feng's films has helped drive the commercialization of the entire Chinese film business. "The Chinese movie industry has gone from the planned economy to the second biggest movie market in the world today, and Feng is a milestone figure in that development," says Tan. "He has really made a connection to the audience through his work."
Feng has treated serious topics before (infidelity in 2003's Cell Phone and war in 2007's Assembly) but Aftershock is easily his most somber film to date. As if a deadly earthquake weren't devastating enough, a Tangshan mother is forced to decide between saving her son or daughter. Both are trapped under a collapsed building, and rescuers can reach only one of them before the structure topples. She chooses the son, but, unbeknownst to her, the daughter miraculously survives. With her mother's betrayal fresh in her ears, the little girl flees her family and is raised by a husband and wife in the People's Liberation Army. Thirty-two years later, she travels to help victims of the earthquake in Sichuan. There she sees how another mother is forced to make a similar choice, and the experience changes her appraisal of the past. It's an impossibly sentimental treatment but hallmark Feng.
Tan claims that Aftershock marks a new stage in the filmmaker's career. "From this movie, you can see that he's changing from a populist director to a civic-minded director," Tan says, "with more responsibility and higher moral standards." But if Feng really does have a newfound sense of social obligation, it doesn't include the need to address (or even allude to) one of the most painful issues arising from the Sichuan quake: allegations that official corruption led to the construction of substandard schools, which collapsed and killed thousands of children. In Feng's Sichuan, there are no protesting parents, critical journalists or jailed dissidents like Tan Zuoren, who in February was sentenced to five years for carrying out an investigation into the schools. Then again, such a movie would never see a mainland release, and Feng, whatever his private views on Sichuan, cannot be expected to commit career suicide at the height of his game. Aftershock may help give focus to a nation's grief, but like the rest of Feng's corpus it studiously avoids making any shocks of its own.
with reporting by Chengcheng Jiang/Beijing

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发表于 2010-7-26 01:23:04 |只看该作者
16-1【7月26日作from-- the economist
Technology

BabbageFuel economyThe Difference Engine: Twice the bang for the buck

Jul 23rd 2010, 8:00 by N.V. | LOS ANGELES

REMEMBER those
wailing
(哭叫,哀号) banshee(女鬼) motorcycles with plumes of acrid blue smoke billowing(巨浪) behind them? Your correspondent came of age astride(跨着) one. But few two-stroke(二冲程)
engines survived the draconian(非常严重的)
pollution measures of the latter part of the 20th century. Today, the little two-stroke smoker lives on largely in lawnmowers, chainsaws, hedge-trimmers and the like—where its cheapness, lightness and willingness to run in any orientation has won it a loyal following among gardeners everywhere. From the road, though, it has all but vanished(消失).

Yet, the traditional two-stroke petrol engine—so-called because it had two strokes per cycle instead of the more usual four—had a lot going for it. With no complicated poppet valves
(提升阀) and cam shafts(凸轮轴), no oil reservoir and far fewer parts all round, it cost less than half as much to make as a comparable four-stroke engine, and was far lighter into the bargain. Also, because it fired once every revolution instead of once every other revolution, it put out considerably more power than four-strokes of similar size.

Simplicity remains the two-stroke’s greatest virtue
(简单但是好用 A remains B great virtue.). The engine still has to perform the same four separate processes (“suck”, “squeeze”, “bang”, “blow”) as a four-stroke. But it does so by making the exhaust stroke (“blow”) at the end of one cycle and the induction stroke (“suck”) at the start of the next cycle happen simultaneously while the piston is travelling through the bottom half of the cylinder. The other two strokes—compression (“squeeze”) and combustion (“bang”)—are carried out sequentially while the piston is in the cylinder’s upper half.

In its basic form, a two-stroke consists of a specially shaped piston rising and falling in a cylinder that has an exhaust port on one side and an inlet port lower down on the other. As the piston falls, it first uncovers the exhaust port, which allows most of the spent gases from the previous cycle to be expelled. It then uncovers the inlet port, where fresh air-fuel mixture is admitted. The compression stroke occurs as the piston rises back up the cylinder, with the mixture being
ignited
(点燃) by a spark plug(火花塞) as the piston nears the top of its stroke and both ports are covered.

Sadly, such simplicity comes at a price. The fact that the inlet and exhaust ports are, for part of the stroke, open simultaneously means that the engine’s
scavenging
(净化,清除)
(getting rid of the burned gases before fresh fuel is admitted) is less than ideal. Inadequate scavenging was one of the reasons for the two-stroke’s poor economy. Over the years, various attempts have been made to improve matters. The method most widely used today—loop scavenging—was invented in Germany during the 1920s. A carefully shaped inlet port causes the incoming mixture to swirl(旋转)
around the cylinder rather than make a bee-line(直线) for the open exhaust port. Not only does this permit better scavenging, the turbulence(涡流) also promotes combustion(烧毁). The result is greater power and better fuel economy.

The two-stroke’s
downfall
(衰落) is usually attributed to its “total loss” lubrication(GRE单词~) system. Instead of being contained in the engine’s sump(机油箱?), the lubricant was pre-mixed with the fuel (traditionally as one part of oil to 16 of petrol, though up to 50 parts of petrol later became possible). Because oil is less combustible than petrol, as much as a third of it can survive the process—escaping into the atmosphere as unburned hydrocarbons and soot.

In truth, this was not the only reason for the two-stroke’s disappearance. Most of the leading motorcycle makers of the day stopped building two-strokes not because of concerns about pollution, but because they wanted to focus on their pricier and more profitable four-stroke models. A rule change
finagled
(欺骗,哄骗) by the manufacturers, which forced 250cc two-strokes to compete on the track against 450cc four-strokes, did the trick. The two-stroke’s demise—at least on the road and the track, if not in the dirt, the snow and the forest—followed swiftly.

And there the technology rests. Or it did so until recently. Two-strokes are back in the news, thanks to the success of pilotless planes like the Predator and Reaper in Iraq and Afghanistan. A new generation of air-cooled two-strokes that look like grown up versions of the baby diesel
(柴油)
engines aeromodellers(模型飞机制作者.) have used for decades are being hurried into production for military duty by firms such as Cosworth, Desert Air, Evolution, Graupner, OS Engines and Zenoah. They range in size from 10cc to over 200cc, and can run on a variety of fuels, including avgas and jet-fuel as well as petrol and diesel.

Surprisingly, however, it is on the road that two-strokes look set to make their most dramatic comeback. Two new, and
radically
(根本性的) different, designs are causing the biggest stir(纷乱,骚乱).

One is a variable-compression engine, called the Omnivore
(杂食动物,), developed by Lotus Engineering in Britain. The Omnivore, with its direct injection and variable compression, can operate like a diesel, using heat from the compressed gases to ignite the mixture spontaneously(自然的,自动的) instead of relying on a spark plug. It runs on a variety of fuels (as its name implies) and has all the virtues of a diesel—high efficiency and low emission of carbon monoxide.

What is so clever about the Omnivore is the way its variable-compression technology combines with the two-stroke’s
thermodynamic
(热力学的)
efficiency to produce an engine that works well at low loads. A problem shared by the majority of four-stroke petrol engines used in cars is their throttling losses(节流损失) when they are driven less than flat out(全力的). Motorists spend most of their time pottering(懒散的工作,漫无目的的走动)
around on part-throttle, so a four-stroke petrol engine’s overall efficiency is rarely more than 17% (compared with the 30% or so possible on full throttle). The Omnivore’s diesel-like behavior means it does not have to contend with throttling losses. That makes it ideal for part-load conditions, which should be a boon for bigger cars, where improvements in fuel economy and emissions will have their biggest impact.

The other two-stroke that is garnering attention—not to mention $23.5m of series B funding recently from Khosla Ventures, a Californian venture-capital company, and Bill Gates—is the Opposed Piston Opposed Cylinder (OPOC) engine developed by EcoMotors International of Troy, Michigan. The idea behind OPOC has been tried before, notably during the second world war by Junkers in its diesel-powered Ju 86 bomber. But like all the
valveless
(无瓣的)
two-strokes of its day, the Junkers engine suffered from poor scavenging. The EcoMotors design, by contrast, benefits from the latest thinking in “uniflow”(单向流动)
gas exchange.

The OPOC engine, which can run on either diesel or petrol, uses four pistons that share a pair of horizontally opposed cylinders—similar in layout to the “flat engine” in a VW Beetle or BMW motorbike. But in each cylinder the mixture is compressed between two pistons moving in opposite directions, instead of being squeezed between one moving piston and a fixed cylinder head. Because the pistons share the work, each has only half the distance to travel, and therefore its speed remains low. As the engine’s rotational speed (and thus its power output) is limited ultimately by piston speed, the OPOC can rotate twice as fast as an engine with fixed cylinder heads before hitting its piston-speed limit. Early trials suggest the OPOC could have at least 30% better fuel economy than a comparable-sized conventional engine driven under typical urban conditions.

How soon it will be before
disruptive
(分裂性的) technologies like the Omnivore or OPOC hit the road is difficult to say. But your correspondent sees no reason why conventional, non-hybrid passenger cars capable of at least 60mpg (3.9 litres/100km) in the city should not be around within a decade. By giving twice the bang for the buck, the two-stroke could yet be the answer to a motorist’s prayers.(祈祷文)
8月18,8月18,8月18,8月18,8月18,8月18

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发表于 2010-7-26 23:33:27 |只看该作者
楼上的好认真
17-1【7月27日作业】from TIME

What the Wikileak Means for the Afghanistan War
Posted by Michael Crowley Sunday, July 25, 2010 at 11:48 pm



The Obama White House is furious this morning about the massive leak of military documents chronicling the unvarnished truth about the Afghanistan war. At the same time, though, there must be a certain sense of relief around the West Wing. When they first learned that the whistleblower website WikiLeaks had given the New York Times, among others, an astonishing 92,0000 documents, senior Obama officials must have been in a panic about what terrible secrets might emerge. But it turns out that most of the terrible aspects of the Afghanistan war--at least those detailed by this trove of insider accounts--are already pretty well known.

It's never been a secret, for instance, that the Taliban have proven more resilient than anyone expected; that U.S. special forces hunt and eliminate Taliban leaders without the courtesy of a fair trail; that elements within our putative ally Pakistan play a sinister double game with radical Islamists; that our troops kill innocent Afghans on a regular basis. It's not even a secret, as anyone familiar with the Pat Tillman saga knows, that the military sometimes manipulates facts about the war.

The trove of leaked documents affirms all these facts. And in their texture and detail--which it will take some time for other new outlets to sift in full--certainly offer a new appreciation for how difficult the war effort is. But based on their presentation by the news organizations given time by Wikileaks to study them before their release, the documents don't seem to reveal fundamental new truths. (Also giving solace to the Obama team: the docs cover a time period from January 2004 to December 2009, meaning that the vast majority predate Obama's tenure, and end just around the time of the address he gave last winter at the conclusion of his Afghanistan policy review.)

Take, for instance, perhaps the most explosive charge, and the one which led the Times website in a headline late Sunday night: Pakistan Aids Insurgency in Afghanistan, Reports Assert. Here's the story's opening paragraph:

Americans fighting the war in Afghanistan have long harbored strong suspicions that Pakistan's military spy service has guided the Afghan insurgency with a hidden hand, even as Pakistan receives more than $1 billion a year from Washington for its help combating the militants, according to a trove of secret military field reports made public Sunday.

This shouldn't come as a surprise to anyone who even skims the front pages of major newspapers. Consider, for instance, this story which appeared on page A1 of the NYT on March 26 of last year:

Afghan Strikes by Taliban Get Pakistan Help, U.S. Aides Say

The Taliban's widening campaign in southern Afghanistan is made possible in part by direct support from operatives in Pakistan's military intelligence agency, despite Pakistani government promises to sever ties to militant groups fighting in Afghanistan, according to American government officials.

This isn't to say that the documents are irrelevant. Sometimes it can be crystallizing to see hard truths articulated not by reporters covering a war but in the real-time reports of the men and women on the ground. Moreover, the media frenzy about the documents--we're already seeing comparisons to the Vietnam-era Pentagon Papers--is bound to startle the public and put a further dent in support for the war.

And that's not nothing. In recent months we've seen a steady drumbeat of bad headlines  from Afghanistan, from the mixed success of the ballyhooed Marjah offensive to the spectacular flame out of General Stanley McChrystal. The Wikileak dump is certain to accelerate the feeling, both around the country and here in Washington, that the war effort isn't sustainable for much longer. And right now, the biggest secret of all, the one no one is leaking, is whether Barack Obama agrees.

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