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发表于 2004-2-26 20:35:46
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Towards a Theory of Moral Change
Charles E. Harris
Texas A&M University
Moral concepts found enshrined in traditions do not stay the
same. They undergo transformation. They are subject to
investigation and criticism. They expand, shrink, or disappear.
John T. Noonan, Jr., Bribes, p. 683
...what we call morality is a body of practical knowledge....The
character at any particular time of a body of practical
knowledge such as medicine or music is the result of historical
circumstances....morality is a human creation that changes
through time... James Wallace, Ethical Norms, Particular Cases,
pp. 9 and 12.
These passages suggest that morality changes. Often moral change
is associated with an excitement and fervor that these quotations
do not convey. One thinks of the abandonment of witch trials, the
rejection of judicial torture, the long fight for religious
liberty, the abolition of slavery, the reversal of the prohibition
of usury, the agitation for contraception and women's rights, the
lifting of the prohibition of divorce, and the struggle for civil
rights. To what extent can we understand moral change
conceptually? Are there any factors that are always, or at least
commonly, associated with moral change? Would knowledge of these
factors help us to understand present moral controversy or even to
anticipate moral change? Is it possible to have a theory of moral
change? In this talk I shall try to address these questions in a
preliminary way.
1. Preliminary Considerations
Let me begin by considering several issues that I believe will
arise in any discussion of moral change. The first set of issues
has to do with the broad context in which moral change occurs. Let
me begin with some terminology. Unless the moral issue is entirely
novel, there is a "going position" with respect to what I shall
call a practice. That is, there is a widely-accepted moral
evaluation of the practice, which I shall call the traditionalist
position. Examples of practices are holding slaves and charging
interest on money loaned. Before the eighteenth century, the
traditionalist position with respect to the practice of slavery,
for example, was that it is morally permissible for one human
being to own another. In the eighteenth century, the
traditionalist position was replaced by what I shall call a
revisionist position with regard to slavery, i.e. a new moral
evaluation of the practice of slavery, according to which slavery
is exploitation and a violation of human rights. I want to hold
that the burden of proof should be in favor of the traditionalist
position. That is, there must be good reasons to accept a
revisionist position, and it is up to the revisionist to supply
those reasons. Absent good reasons, the traditionalist evaluation
of the practice should continue to prevail. I offer two reasons
for this claim. First, most of us are committed to the moral
tradition in which we find ourselves. We accept much more of it
than we reject. I believe the most plausible interpretation of
this commitment is to say that the traditionalist evaluation of a
practice should be accepted unless there is good reason to reject
it. Second, intellectual and moral stability require that we not
modify tradition unless there is good reason to do so. There is
another important point to make about the
traditionalist/revisionist distinction. While the burden of proof
should be in favor of the traditional evaluation of a practice, a
significant challenge to it cannot go unanswered. Once a serious
revisionist position is put forth, it cannot be refuted merely by
pointing out that it contradicts the traditionalist position. This
is because in the past the burden of proof has often been met by
revisionists, as the examples of moral change mentioned earlier
attest. To say that a sufficient justification of a practice is
simply that it is the traditionalist position would mean that all
past moral change has been wrong, and this would commit one to
some highly implausible moral views. A second set of issues has to
do with the distinction between causal and normative explanation
of moral change. Most authorities on the history of morality
attempt to give causal accounts of moral change. Some even argue
that specifically moral considerations play little or no part in
moral change. The classic example here is the claim that it is
changes in economic factors, not moral criticism, that caused the
demise of slavery. As a moral philosopher and not a historian or
sociologist, I am interested primarily in a normative explanation
of moral change rather than a causal explanation. That is, I am
concerned here primarily with factors that could justify moral
change, not simply causally explain it. I am not, however, simply
interested in factors that could justify moral change, but rather
in factors which there is some reason to believe actually did
justify moral change in the minds of people of a certain era.
Still, one is left to wonder: Were these rational justifications
really efficacious in any sense in bringing about moral change, or
were they simply interesting but ineffectual ideas in the heads of
people in a certain age? In philosophical jargon, were they simply
epiphenomenal? In less philosophical language, were they simply
icing on the cake? My short response to this issue is to assume
the position taken by John Stuart Mill that rational arguments do
influence moral change, by way of their influence on human thought
and action. Concerning the demise of slavery, Mill wrote:
It was not by any change in the distribution of material
interests, but by the spread of moral convictions, that negro
slavery has been put an end to in the British Empire and
elsewhere...It is what men think that determines how they
act....
A related issue is whether we can identify the rational
considerations (the normative elements) that were actually
important in a specific moral change, assuming that they were. The
only way to do this is to look at examples of moral change to
determine whether the factors that I shall shortly begin to
identify seem to have historical validity. A third set of issues
has to do with the distinction between moral progress and moral
decline. The expression "moral change" can refer either to moral
advance or moral degeneration. Moral conservatives would argue
that much moral change at the present time represents
degeneration, not progress. Can we provide criteria that enable us
to distinguish moral progress from moral degeneration? Responding
to this issue, James Wallace writes: "it is the continuity of the
changed ideas with the earlier moral notions that prevents the
change from being a corruption...." I don't think this criterion
is adequate, however, because most moral change probably has
considerable continuity with the past. My own suggestion is that
moral change which can be justified by the five factors I shall
mention shortly should be considered moral advance and that change
which cannot be so justified should be considered moral decline.
Unfortunately, this criterion also suffers from a certain
vagueness, but I believe it may still be useful.
2. Five Factors in Moral Change
Now I want to identify five factors that I believe are important
in a normative explanation of moral change. There is a certain
amount of arbitrariness in selecting these factors, and no doubt
the selection could be made differently. Nevertheless, I shall
make the attempt. Not willing to go out totally on my own in
identifying these factors, I shall take suggestions from others,
mostly from the two writers quoted at the beginning of this talk.
Now let us look at the five factors. 1. Changes in Social
Structures. The most concerted attempt to isolate the factors
important in moral change with which I am familiar was made by
historian of morality John Noonan in a 1993 article, "Development
in Moral Doctrine." In considering how the emergence of
religiously pluralistic societies affected traditional moral views
on religious toleration and divorce, for example, Noonan remarks
that "only as social structures changed did moral mutation become
possible." We can see how the emergence of religious pluralism
might supply grounds for religious toleration and a more
permissive attitude towards divorce. If religious strife is
undesirable, religious toleration be attractive as a way to avoid
it when there is no agreement on religious matters. Similarly,
divorce might be more justifiable in a society where religious
differences may make a marriage intolerable. These considerations
do not, of course, demonstrate conclusively that religious
toleration and the sanctioning of divorce are right, but they do
make the options more attractive. I want to use the term
"highlighting" to refer to the way in which a change in social
structures (which also includes economic and legal structures) can
contribute to the justification of moral change. By "highlighting"
I mean a change which serves to throw into stronger relief certain
moral considerations which may have been present all along. After
the highlighting takes place, these factors are given greater
moral weight, as it were. Here is another example of what I call
highlighting. In the eighteenth century, the use of judicial
torture came under severe criticism. In Torture and the Law of
Proof, legal historian John Langbein argues that the explanation
of the decline of judicial torture is to be attributed to a
modification of the law of proof, whereby a confession was no
longer a virtual requirement for conviction in a serious crime. He
argues that, apart from this legal change, all the moral
criticisms in the world--most of which had been around for a long
time--would not have produced a change. With this change, the
moral criticisms of torture were thrown into stronger relief. 2.
New Factual and Metaphysical Beliefs. Changes in factual
(empirically verifiable) or what I shall call metaphysical (non-
empirical-verifiable) beliefs about the world can also contribute
to the justification of moral change. Consider the example of
slavery. Here, again, this often occurs by way of the phenomenon
of highlighting. Historian of slavery David Davis finds the Quaker
opposition to slavery particularly important in the abolitionist
movement. Quakers were the first Christian church or sect to
express disapproval of owning and trafficking in slaves. It was,
he believes, Quakerism that furnished the set of conditions that
made an antislavery movement possible. According to Davis, the
change in the idea of sin (an example of what I call a
metaphysical belief) is the key to the religious origins of
antislavery thought. Much of traditional Christianity conceived
the natural relationship of man to God after the fall as one of
total subordination. Sin was identified with the individual's
indulgence of his desires, and the state's function was to
suppress them in the interests of social order. Slavery was simply
one aspect of a fallen and sinful social order that must be
accepted. It was not possible, Davis believes, to fully perceive
the moral contradictions in slavery until this picture was
modified. The modification came in the form of the resurgence of
perfectionist thought and of the prophetic traditions, represented
by such groups as the Quakers. These traditions taught that people
have a desire for virtue, and that it is possible for Christians
to be delivered from the bondage of sin, or at least to move
closer to perfection. Sin can be identified, at least in part,
with social forces that block the movement toward perfection. One
should free oneself from these corrupting influences. Slavery is
one such influence, so one should free oneself from its corrupting
influence by renouncing the ownership of slaves. Here we have a
change in metaphysical beliefs, in this case about the
relationship of man to God and the possibility of human
perfection. Changes in these beliefs highlighted not only the
moral problems with slavery, but also the possibility of its
abolition. 3. "New" Experience. Referring again to the emergence
of religious toleration in the Roman Catholic tradition, Noonan
identifies another factor in moral change by observing that "these
social structures could not have shifted without experience." On
the negative side, Noonan posits that the experience of
persecuting heretics must have been demoralizing. On the positive
side, he believes that the experience of religious freedom in
America was important in Vatican II's endorsement of religious
toleration in the 1960's. The experiences which challenge a
traditionalist position are often not really new, but rather
experiences that have newly come to the attention of the wider
public, often by way of literature or the work of a moral prophet.
Sometimes voicing this experience requires creating a new
vocabulary. Writing about the oppression of women, Richard Rorty
says:
...only if somebody has a dream, and a voice to describe that
dream, does what looked like nature begin to look like culture,
what looked like fate begin to look like a moral abomination.
For until then only the language of the oppressor is available,
and most oppressors have had the wit to teach the oppressed a
language in which the oppressed will sound crazy--even to
themselves--if they describe themselves as oppressed.
Conveying experience that can justify moral change requires not
only imagination and creativity on the part of the writer or moral
prophet, but also sympathy on the part of the public. One factor
in the movement to abolish slavery was the rise of the philosophy
of benevolence and the praise of "the man of feeling" who could
empathize with he sufferings of others. Adam Smith's The Theory of
the Moral Sentiments (1759) based virtue on sympathy, or our
ability to put ourselves imaginatively in another's situation. It
was characteristic of abolitionists--even Christian
abolitionists--that they appealed more to feelings of sympathy and
benevolence than to the Bible. Perhaps the most important example
of this appeal to sympathy, however, was Harrriet Beecher Stowe's
Uncle Tom's Cabin (1852) which David Davis calls "... probably the
most sensational literary success of the nineteenth century...."
Whatever might be said about the literary quality of the novel,
its importance from the standpoint of moral change cannot be
overestimated. Stowe portrayed for a wide audience the
dehumanizing reality of slavery: Uncle Tom's separation from his
spouse and children, being bought and sold like a commodity,
having his fate decided by others, whipping and finally death at
the hands of a sadistic master. The use of experience as a
justification of moral change often involves an implicit argument
based on the Golden Rule. Stowe repeatedly asks her readers to
place themselves in the position of Uncle Tom and ask whether they
would be willing to be the recipients of his treatment. But the
traditionalist may resist the Golden-Rule argument. She may
say--for one reason or another--that she sees no reason to place
herself in the position of the recipient. The advocate of slavery
may admit that she would not want to be in Uncle Tom's shoes, but
she may say that those who are slaves occupy a role assigned by
God, and she does not and should not occupy that role herself.
In order to counter this argument, the revisionist must convince
the traditionalist that she really should make the imaginative
leap into the recipient's position. This task often falls to
literature. The traditionalist must be led to appreciate the
humanity of the slave and to see that the supposed differences
between the slave and herself that keep her from making the
imaginative leap into the slave's position are invalid. In the
words of Rorty, the traditionalist must be led to see that the
plight of the slave is indeed an abomination. If this can be done
successfully, the use of experience can contribute to the
justification of moral change. 4. The Emergence of a New Paradigm.
Noonan also finds an explanation of moral change in what he calls
"new analyses." In the case of usury, he maintains, the most
important aspect of the new analysis was the shift from a focus on
the loan itself to focus on the lender and the nature of the
investment. This resulted in the conclusion that the lender
himself could be exploited if he did not charge interest. I
believe Noonan's point can be seen as referring to what I shall
call the emergence of a new paradigm. For most practices subject
to moral evaluation, there is a typical or paradigmatic example of
the practice. This paradigmatic example presents the picture which
is the object of moral evaluation. If the paradigm itself changes,
the moral evaluation of the entire practice is likely to change.
In the case of usury, the old paradigm went something like this:
A farmer has a bad year with his crops. He must borrow money from
his more fortunate neighbor in order to feed his family and buy
seed for the next year. The neighbor charges such an exorbitant
rate of interest that the farmer can never get out of debt, and
his sons lose their inheritance.
The new paradigm for a loan, brought about by changed economic
circumstances, might run like this:
A merchant needs money for a business venture. He calculates the
maximum interest he can pay and still make a profit and borrows
the money at that rate or a lower rate.
Here is another example of the emergence of a new paradigm that
contributed to the justification of moral change. Historian of
divorce Roderick Phillips describes three changes in the
conception of the nature and purpose of marriage that explain, he
believes, the increase in the number of divorces. One element was
the emergence of romantic love as an important element in
marriage. As a result of this change, the expectations for
marriage rose. Another change was the decline of the economic and
social pressures that kept marriages together. Traditional
families were productive units, operating perhaps a farm or a
family business. If a spouse died, he or she was replaced quickly,
in order to insure the continuation of the family enterprise.
Violence, hostility, emotional indifference and sexual infidelity
were more easily tolerated if the family enterprise went well. A
third change was the emergence of alternatives to marriage. In
traditional societies, women, in particular, had little
alternative to marriage. Independent employment was difficult, and
widows often sank into poverty. Men had more opportunities: they
could "go to sea" or join the military. But even they found a life
outside of the bonds of marriage difficult, and it probably had
less social status.
Phillips argues that the vastly greater incidence of divorce may
be due not so much to lower morality, but to these changes. The
new paradigm of marriage provided different standards for a "good"
marriage and for a justified divorce. According to the new
paradigm, the primary purpose of marriage is love and emotional
satisfaction. The importance of marriage as an economic unit is
less important. Divorce is legitimate when the proper expectations
of marriage are not fulfilled. Thus, a new paradigm of marriage
developed, which in turn lent justificatory weight to a
revisionist position with regard to divorce.
(5) Value Inconsistency. In Ethical Norms, Particular Cases, James
Wallace suggests that a practice can be suspect morally because it
violates norms inherent in other practices which we accept. Thus
slavery came to be considered wrong because it violated emerging
doctrines of human rights accepted in other areas of Western
society. Here is another example. The use of torture was clearly
incompatible with the emerging doctrines of human rights. Several
writers advanced what historians refer to as logical/moral
criticisms of torture. Although Montesquieu and Voltaire denounced
torture as a violation of the dignity and rights of human beings,
perhaps the most important single eighteenth-century protest
against torture was produced by Casare Beccaria in his On Crimes
and Punishments. Here Beccaria advances various criticisms of
torture. It makes a person his own accuser and tests a person's
physical endurance rather than his veracity. It also places the
guilty person in a more advantageous position than the guilty. If
an innocent man is tortured and he confesses, he is punished for
something he did not do. If he does not confess, he has been
unjustly tortured. If the guilty man confesses, on the other hand,
he receives only what he deserves. If he does not confess, he has
transformed a heavier sentence into a lighter one. It is easy to
see how these considerations can contribute to a justification of
moral change. The use of torture was incompatible with the
standards of fairness and justice upheld in other areas of Western
social and political life. We have already seen that these
considerations were highlighted by the change in the law of proof.
Sometimes the inconsistency appears in the form of an incoherent
application of the norms within a practice itself. In the case of
usury, exceptions to the prohibition of usury were increasingly
recognized. A Christian had always been allowed to extract usury
from an enemy, including heretics and infidels. Then a distinction
between compensation and usury was developed. Thus, a lender had a
right to compensation for delay in repayment, for a loss of the
use of funds loaned out in charity, and a loss because one is
forced to contribute to a bond. As time went on, still more
exceptions to the prohibition were recognized. If one invests time
and the other money in a business partnership, the one who invests
money risks a loss that the other does not, so he is entitled to
interest. Later, even those who furnished money in a partnership
and insured themselves against loss were allowed to collect
interest on the monetary contribution to the partnership. In both
cases, the argument ran, the money invested in a commercial
enterprise ceased to be available for other purposes. Merchants
storing money in banks were also allowed to collect interest. The
last two exceptions seemed especially implausible modifications of
the traditional position and posed a dilemma: either these
exceptions should not be allowed or the prohibition of usury
itself should be abandoned.
3. Homosexuality and Moral Change
I believe the analysis of the factors in moral change that I have
developed here can be applied to many contemporary moral issues.
Two issues that I think are particularly appropriate are
euthanasia and homosexuality. I believe both of these areas are
ones in which moral change is justified. One of the ways to make
such an argument is to identify factors operating in past moral
changes which we consider justified and show that they are also
evident with respect to these issues. For lack of time, I shall
limit myself to the issue of homosexuality. I shall further limit
my discussion by considering only the last four factors. 1. New
Factual and Metaphysical Beliefs. Many contemporary writers
believe that homosexual orientation is difficult if not impossible
to change. Whether it has a basis in early experiences or in
genetics, there is widespread recognition that sexual orientation
is not very malleable. The relationship of this belief to the
question of the moral justification of homosexual conduct is
controversial. It does not show that such conduct is morally
justifiable, for it is certainly open to the traditionalist to
maintain that a homosexual who cannot change should embrace
celibacy. Still, most of us probably intuitively sense that the
belief that sexual orientation is difficult to change does have an
important bearing on the morality of same-sex relationships. I
believe the relationship can be understood in terms of the
phenomenon of highlighting. The belief in the difficulty of change
highlights the issue of the traditionalist prohibition of same-sex
relationships. We now place considerable value on sexuality as an
important part of personal fulfillment and self-realization. If
many homosexuals must choose between a same-sex relationship and
celibacy, the arguments for the traditional prohibition had better
be good ones. The difficulty in changing sexual orientation might
be thought of as an argument for raising the threshold of proof
that homosexual conduct is immoral. Good reasons will have to be
supplied to justify the invitation to perpetual celibacy. If these
arguments are weak, their weakness will be more evident than
before. 2. "New" Experience. An extensive literature depicting the
experience of homosexuals is an important feature of the
contemporary debate over homosexuality, just as the narratives
depicting the experience of slaves and women were important parts
of public controversy over slavery and the rights of women.
Accounts by homosexuals of their experience of social
condemnation, their struggle to accept their sexual orientation,
their sense of wholeness and peace after their self-acceptance,
and the integrity which their lives can display--these are all
important challenges to the traditionalist position on
homosexuality. To be sure, the traditionalist may respond that one
should not apply the Golden Rule to the homosexual's position. We
should not ask ourselves whether we would be willing to be the
recipient of the unfavorable social response to homosexuals, on
the grounds that we should not place ourselves in the position of
one pursuing an immoral lifestyle. But it is one of the functions
of a narrative in moral debate to show that a practice
traditionally condemned can indeed have the kind of integrity that
undermines this objection. 3. Paradigm Change. The traditional
paradigm of homosexual practice in the Christian West was probably
something like this:
Engaging in homosexual acts does not make one a distinct type of
person, namely a "homosexual." Rather, there are homosexual acts,
not homosexual persons. Homosexuality is not a crucial aspect of
one's identity. Further, the decision to engage in homosexual acts
is more or less freely chosen, not a part of a sexual orientation
that is difficult if not impossible to change. Homosexual acts are
not strongly connected with personal fulfillment, and romantic
love is usually not an aspect of homosexual relationships.
In terms of this paradigm, it was perhaps not inappropriate to
call same-sex relationships a perversion, much as it was not
inappropriate to call usury in the old paradigm a form of
exploitation. Without going into detail, two ideas that can be
associated with the concept of perversion are voluntariness and
the use of another person as a "mere means," in Kantian terms.
Social constructionists have taught us that much has happened to
the paradigm of a homosexual act in the last century and a half.
The very term "homosexual" was invented, and homosexuality was
medicalized. This medicalization was probably an important aspect
of the transition from the old paradigm to the new one that
appears to be emerging. At any rate, the new paradigm includes the
notion that sexual orientation is discovered rather than chosen,
that sexual orientation affects the entire personality, and that
it can be associated with romantic love and long-term commitments.
It is obvious that this change can contribute to a very different
moral evaluation of same-sex relationships. The new paradigm is
much more amenable to the evaluation of homosexuals and homosexual
acts under the same or similar criteria used to evaluate
heterosexual acts. As Michael Walzer points out, this is a
familiar pattern in moral change:
Insofar as we can recognize moral progress, it has less to do with
the discovery or invention of new principles than with the
inclusion under the old principles of previously excluded men and
women.
4. Value Inconsistency. One type of inconsistency is the use of a
criterion for moral evaluation of a practice that is not used for
evaluating any other practice. Homosexual acts have been
historically condemned as "unnatural." Yet in non-Catholic
circles, this criterion is seldom employed in evaluating any other
moral practice. Even practices once condemned for their
unnaturalness (such as masturbation, non-procreative intercourse
and sterilization) are no longer condemned by most people at all,
and certainly not by reason of their unnaturalness. These and
similar considerations raise serious questions about the
consistency of the traditional condemnation of same-sex
relationships.
4. Conclusion
I believe the foregoing investigation suggests a framework in
terms of which at least some contemporary moral issues can be
discussed. The investigation has suggested that if an analysis of
a moral issue is to be persuasive and complete, it must approach
the issue from a number of different perspectives. That is, the
arguments must be of several different types. While some of the
arguments, such as the exposure of inconsistency, are standard
fare in philosophy, others are somewhat different. Analyses of
highlighting, paradigm, change, and experience, for example, are
not as common in the writings of philosophers, at least not
philosophers in the analytic tradition.
Finally, my investigation has suggested that many of these modes
of argument are rhetorical in nature. That is, they incline
without necessitating. Taken by themselves, they are not
conclusive. Stacked on top of another, they have a significant
cumulative effect.
In examining the factors involved in a normative account of moral
change, we may be closer to the types of considerations that
influence people outside philosophy. This is one of several
reasons why I believe philosophers can profit from the study of
moral change.
Return to the Essays on Engineering and Buisness Practice Index.
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