岗岗的，咱们的G程。
The Muslim Brothers' new leader Which way now? An influential movement sounds unusually hesitant Jan 21st 2010 | CAIRO | From The Economist print edition ReutersBadeea bids to bedazzle(使目眩，使眼花缭乱) THE election of a new leader of the Muslim Brotherhood（宗教性的兄弟会）, one of the Arab world’s most influential movements, has aroused an oddly muted response, not just from the group’s critics but from fellow-travelling Islamists as well. Muhammad Badeea, a media-shy 66-year-old veterinarian, whose elevation to the post of the Brothers’ “supreme guide” was announced on January 16th, is the eighth leader of a movement founded in 1928, with millions of sympathisers across the Muslim world. Nowadays he and his cohorts（军团） face mounting challenges from without and within.（同时从外部和内部） Seen by some as a wellspring of global Islamist extremism and by others as a moderate and modernising defender of Muslim identity, （非常好的分词结构）the Brotherhood has long carried influence far beyond the borders of Egypt, where it remains the strongest opposition party, despite sporadic（偶尔发生的）
persecution and an official ban imposed since 1954. Recent years have seen both triumphs and setbacks.
Hamas（哈马斯）, a Palestinian（巴勒斯坦） affiliate of the Brotherhood, won the Palestinian general election in 2006, forcibly ousted Fatah, its secular rival, from the territory a year later and has run the Gaza Strip since. Other close ideological kin include the leading opposition parties in Jordan约旦, Kuwait科威特, Morocco摩洛哥 and Yemen也门, as well as groups that have been banned and chased out of still more authoritarian states, such as Algeria阿尔及利亚, Syria叙利亚 and Tunisia突尼斯. Yet in many of these places the Brotherhood’s brand of conservative pan-Islamism（泛。。）, which nowadays generally eschews（避免） violence and agrees to play by the rules of the secular state even if it thinks them unfair, may be losing ground. A growing number of young people, frustrated by paternalism and impatient for change, seem attracted to more radical trends, such as arch-fundamentalist, Saudi-influenced Salafism that harks back to（重回）
a pure form of Islam said to have prevailed in the religion’s earliest days, not to mention violent jihadism. More moderate and even secular movements have also gained ground among ordinary people in various Arab countries. In others, state repression has limited the Brotherhood’s sway（支配，统治）. In Egypt itself, where Mr Badeea will preside over（主持）
the movement’s headquarters, relentless waves of arrests, followed by trials in special “state security” courts, have crippled its organising power. With a general election due later this year, President Hosni Mubarak’s government appears determined to avoid a repeat of its humiliation in 2005, when Brotherhood candidates, running necessarily as independents, won a good fifth of seats and would have got many more without the state’s blunt interference at the polls（对投票选举的直接介入）. Egypt’s interior minister, a man of few words who heads a police force often charged with brutality, recently ominously declared that, although the Brothers had achieved electoral success in the past, “the situation is now different.” The Brothers’ decision to choose Mr Badeea, a relative conservative who ran the group’s recruitment and indoctrination arm and has the cachet of repeated spells in Egyptian prisons,这里没搞得太清楚，是因啥有了威望？ may reflect this darkening atmosphere. Signs of increased hostility from a state that has often preferred to accommodate rather than confront the Brotherhood have persuaded many of its members of a need to retrench（节省，紧缩开支） and lie low（猜测，放低姿态，韬光养晦？） for the time being. As in past periods of repression, the group may resort to stressing what some Brothers anyway consider its main purpose: to spread “correct” Islamic values rather than play politics. But with Mr Mubarak ageing after 28 years in office and social unrest in Egypt spreading, some Brothers also reckon a period of political change is at hand—and that they should avoid confrontation to preserve their strength for the future. Yet despite the famed internal discipline that has sustained the Brotherhood for decades, finding a replacement for Mr Badeea’s 81-year-old predecessor, Mehdi Akef, exposed wide schisms（教会分立，分裂）. A younger, more liberal faction, including many Brothers who gained prominence in trade unions in the 1980s, had hoped to rise to the fore. Instead, elections in December to Egypt’s 15-man “guidance council”, which in turn, in consultation with（在与。。的磋商中） a broader international council, elects the supreme guide, saw a solid win for conservatives. In an unprecedented breach of Brotherhood tradition, Mr Akef’s second-in-command（二把手）, a relative reformist, resigned in protest at what he charged were flawed electoral procedures. Non-Egyptian branches were also said to have been dismayed by the outcome and by the promotion of a relative unknown to the top post（最高职位）. Like Mr Badeea, many of the Brotherhood’s new Egyptian leaders belong to a generation that suffered extreme torture after a wave of arrests in 1965. They remain loyal to the memory, if not fully to the radical ideology, of Sayyid Qutb, a Brotherhood intellectual who was arrested in the same sweep, then hanged for writings that promoted rebellion against “infidel异教徒” regimes. Qutb is widely seen as a fount泉 of inspiration for radical jihad. Since being allowed to re-emerge in Egyptian politics in the 1970s, the Brotherhood has repeatedly and vehemently激烈地，热烈地，强烈地
renounced the violence that Qutb espoused for political ends, except in the cause of defending Muslim land; hence its support for Hamas in Palestine. Yet the new leadership’s loyalty to Qutb’s philosophy inevitably raises concerns. Some suspect Egypt’s government of itself promoting the conservatives’ rise by arresting moderate Brothers to make the movement look less appealing. In his acceptance speech, Mr Badeea stressed his belief in peaceful, democratic action. The Brotherhood sees neither Egypt’s government nor Western powers as hostile, he said. But he did condemn what he called “this global system that accepts freedom and democracy for its own people but denies our people the same.” A bitter struggle, it seems, will continue.
My summary Part one new words for me bedazzle使目眩，使眼花缭乱
Brotherhood宗教性的兄弟会 cohorts军团
sporadic偶尔发生的
Hamas哈马斯
Palestinian巴勒斯坦Jordan约旦
Kuwait科威特
Morocco摩洛哥
Yemen也门
Algeria阿尔及利亚 Syria叙利亚
Tunisia突尼斯 pan- 表示泛。。的
eschew 避免
retrench 节省
schism 教会分立，分裂
second-in-command 二把手，副指挥官 infidel 异教徒
fount 泉
vehemently 激烈地，热烈地 Part Two 好词好句积累 face mounting challenges from without and within 内外交困 Seen by some as a wellspring of global Islamist extremism and by others as a moderate and modernising defender of Muslim identity, （非常好的分词结构） Carry influence far beyond….其所带来的影响远超。。。 Recent years have seen both triumphs and setbacks. 好句，最近几年既经历了失败也有过胜利 Chase out of 将。。驱逐出境
Lose ground 退却，失败 Hark back to 重回
sway vt/vi 改变。。观点，影响，动摇 n支配，统治 Preside over 主持 later this year, President Hosni Mubarak’s government appears determined to avoid a repeat of its humiliation in 2005 appear determined to avoid a repeat of …..
blunt interference at the polls（对投票选举的直接介入） in consultation with 在与。。进行磋商中 see a solid win for 目睹。。方的稳固得胜 They remain loyal to the memory, if not fully to the radical ideology
if not 句型的使用 Part three 对行文构思和文章结构的把握 在开头时先点出，新穆斯林兄弟会领导人的选举上任所引起的出乎意料的冷淡反应。进而在后段简述该组织的历史沿革和它面临的近年来的不利趋势。然后再从回到为何选举Mr Badeea的问题上来，最后通过对Badeea背景介绍和其最近表态来揣测未来局势。 | 
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发表于 2010-1-18 11:54:36
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